The underground Nagas missed a historic opportunity to find a lasting solution to the Naga problem when they refused the offer of a settlement by Smt Indira Gandhi not within the Indian Constitution but within the framework of Indian Union, meaning thereby that the constitution could be amended to accommodate a settlement. The Shillong Accord was another turning point in the chequered history of Nagaland. The opportunity to usher in an era of peace was lost due to the refusal of a section of underground to accept the accord, ostensibly in the name of ideology but in fact due to external influence and personal egos.
The Indian Army had no experience of counter-insurgency operations when it was sent to Nagaland but it soon learnt its lessons.
The failure also brought into focus the failure of the negotiators to enter into wider consultations with various factions before finalising the agreement. The split in NSCN complicated the situation further. Internecine war between the two groups has taken many lives. Although the divide may suit the security forces at the tactical level, but the rift makes the search for a lasting peace all the more difficult. The overground politics has also got mired into fractious rivalries. SC Jamir (former Chief Minister of Nagaland) is reported to be siding with Khaplang group whereas Rishang Keishing (former Chief Minister of Manipur) is reported to be supporting NSCN (IM).
Five decades of insurgency has taken its toll on many fronts. The Naga society is today beset with doubts and people are sullen and tired of senseless violence. The centre has pumped in crores of rupees year after year as central assistance. Unfortunately, over the decades a nexus between politicians, bureaucrats and contractors has developed which appropriates the major portion of the funds in the name of development projects.
The insistence of Nagas to incorporate Naga dominated areas of Manipur in Greater Nagaland will prove to be a major hurdle in the final settlement of the Naga problem.
The character of Naga insurgency has changed over the years. No longer the guerrillas contemplate a life in jungle hideouts. The scene of action has shifted to towns. In the early years the emphasis was on mass mobilisation and guerrilla tactics of hit and run. Now the emphasis is on extortion, kidnapping, arm-twisting and blackmail. The community is held to ransom by fear of militants who are running a parallel government. Every government employee including ministers pay a part of their salary to the underground as tax. So do professionals like doctors, traders and shopowners. For every contract, a commission is paid to one militant group or the other: The exchequer is part financing the insurgency.
Naga-Kuki confrontation has further complicated the problem. The insistence of Nagas to incorporate Naga dominated areas of Manipur in Greater Nagaland will prove to be a major hurdle in the final settlement of the Naga problem. The continuance of cease-fire is, however, a silver lining in an otherwise gloomy scenario. Muivah’s acceptance of New Delhi as the venue for further talks and his travel on Indian passport are positive signs and give hope for the future.
Perhaps, the realisation has dawned on him and his other colleagues that the Nagas do not have a strong case for demanding the inclusion of small pockets of Naga enclaves in Assam. His posturing suggests that he is looking for an honourable escape route. Even more propitious is the emergence of powerful non-political organisations like the Naga Hoho that represents 25 Naga tribes, the Naga Student Union and the Naga Mothers’ Association. They are exerting great moral force on the polity of Nagaland today.
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