Indian Defence Review

In addition, there were one armoured regiment and two independent armoured squadrons equipped with Chaffee light tanks and six or seven PT-76 amphibious light tanks which Pakistan had captured from India in the Khem Karan sector in 1965. There was however an acute shortage of artillery, and the heavier weapons of 9 and 16 Infantry Divisions were left behind when the hurried induction of these formations took place by air. Overall, Niazi’s complement of artillery consisted of six field regiments and four independent mortar batteries equipped with 25-pounders and 4.2-inch mortars respectively. There were also about four light anti-aircraft batteries.There was therefore a shortfall of about six field regiments to meet the requirements of his Orbat. There were no medium or heavy guns in the theatre. A sizable paramilitary organisation consisting of about seven wings and five Mujahid battalions augmented the regular army in performing counterinsurgency tasks, providing general protection for vulnerable points and manning border out-posts. In short, Niazi had about four divisions backed by a divisional strength of paramilitary forces. Although artillery fire-power was inadequate for offensive operations, it was sufficient to fight a defensive war, especially when East Pakistan’s terrain lent itself ideally to defence. The Pakistani Air Force had one squadron of Sabrejets and a few helicopters, but in view of the overwhelming superiority of Indian air strength based on the periphery of East Pakistan the war contribution of this element, if any, could only be shortlived.

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From its very inception in 1947 till the outbreak of there bellion in East Pakistan in March 1971, the Pakistani Army had comparatively easy going in peacetime soldiering in West Pakistan. Unlike the Indian Army, it had no counterinsurgency commitments, and as a result it was not acquainted with the morale-sapping effects of fighting an elusive adversary in an inhospitable and hostile environment. East Pakistan in the monsoon was such a theatre, for the West Pakistani troops had never experienced such incessant and heavy rain in their lives. Continuous marches on slushy ground, nights spent in flooded trenches without proper waterpoof clothing or overhead protection, living and fighting in this rainsoaked environment for about six months had brought footrot, dysentery and other diseases and had worn out both human bodies and fighting equipment.

East Pakistan in the monsoon was such a theatre, for the West Pakistani troops had never experienced such incessant and heavy rain in their lives.

Inadequate logistic backing had not helped matters. The logistic area established in East Pakistan was originally meant to cater for one infantry division and the attendant administrative units. Stockpiling had taken into consideration the likelihood of the eastern wing being isolated for a limited period, but it did not visualise that the force level would be increased fourfold in a crash programmed time schedule, especially when the new inductions could not bring in their integral transport and stores because of the limitations of airlift. Surface transport could be mustered locally from unwilling owners, from a truck to a cycle rickshaw on the roads and the water transport of country boats. Troop deployment in pursuit of Mukti Bahini guerillas was spread so far from the existing lines of communication that the administrative backing could not catch up with the fighting troops. Things were so bad that according to Fazal Muqeem “a brigade commander was getting one chapati to eat in 36 hours.” That is saying a lot about a feudalistic army.

Added to the physical discomfort was the psychological pressure of being isolated amid a hostile population. Sustained operations for about eight months in an unfavourable environment of climate, terrain and positively antagonistic population had resulted in battle fatigue. Battle casualties were mounting and could not get proper attention because of inadequate facilities for their evacuation. Thus there was a steady erosion of morale, aggravated by international communications media which condemned outright the part Tikka Khan and his West Pakistani troops played in Bangladesh. The atrocities they committed in the way of genocide, rape, loot and destruction of property received worldwide publicity and lowered the self-esteem of the Pakistani soldier, and this eroded his fighting capability to a great extent.

Although artillery fire-power was inadequate for offensive operations, it was sufficient to fight a defensive war, especially when East Pakistans terrain lent itself ideally to defence.

Above all, Indian propaganda as well as the realities of the situation created the impression in the minds of the Pakistani soldiery that in the event of war they would be isolated from their homes and would face inevitable surrender and incarceration as prisoners of war. Thus, on the outbreak of hostilities on 3 December, the Pakistani troops were tired and disillusioned. Nevertheless, judging from the fight they put up in fixed defences, it may be said that mental and physical fatigue had not impaired their battle efficiency as much as Pakistani apologists make out.

Terrainwise, Bangladesh covers an area of about 56,000 squaremiles with a population, in 1971, of approximately 75 million. Except for a small portion of its boundary touching Burma in the southeast, its eastern, northern and western boundaries are with India. It is a flat deltaic plain, about 40 feet above sea level, interspersed with mighty rivers running north to south. These rivers break into countless streams as they approach the sea. The heavy monsoons leave the entire land covered with lakes and vast stretches of marshes, making cross-country movement very difficult. The only elevated areas are in the northeast (Sylhet district) and in the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the southeast. These hills are thickly wooded.

…the Pakistani troops had been engaged in counterinsurgency operations continuously since 26 March, and not being used to this intangible activity over a sustained period must have developed fatigue.

The three major rivers are the Ganga, known as the Padma in Bangladesh, the Brahmaputra and the Jamuna. These are formidable obstacles. Since the emphasis on economic development was laid on West Pakistan, Bangladesh was completely neglected so far as building surface communications was concerned. Some roads existed to connect important urban centres, but they were in a poor state of repair. Two railway systems served the eastern and western halves of the province independently without any links. In most places, transport across the rivers was only by ferry. There were only two rail and road bridges over the major rivers, one over the Padma near Paksay called Hardinge Bridge and the other over the Meghna at Ashuganj. Lack of surface communication and their widespread disruption by the guerilla actions of the Freedom Fighters and the succession of water obstacles along planned thrust lines could be a bugbear to any advancing army.

Gen Aurora had a strength of about seven divisions, comprising six divisions and three independent infantry brigades, with a full complement of artillery, three armoured regiments (one equipped with T-54 and the other two with PT-76 tanks), three independent armoured squadrons and two mechanised battalions. Thus, India did not have any substantial edge over Pakistan in terms of superior strength in this theatre. The normal yardstick in military assessment is three attackers to one defender. In this instance, the proportion was less than two to one.

On the face of it, the strength of the Pakistani forces, coupled with the defence potential of the terrain and concrete field fortifications, was more than adequate to cope with the Indian offensive, and certainly adequate enough to gain sufficient time for international pressure to bear till the little war was stalemated. Admittedly, the Pakistani troops had been engaged in counterinsurgency operations continuously since 26 March, and not being used to this intangible activity over a sustained period must have developed fatigue.

Lack of surface communication and their widespread disruption by the guerilla actions of the Freedom Fighters and the succession of water obstacles along planned thrust lines could be a bugbear to any advancing army.

The hostile environment, combined with the unsure logistic backing of the disrupted communications in the rear and the evermounting guerilla activity, might have further aggravated their mental stress and demoralised them. The sense of isolation from their homes in West Pakistan, the uncertainty of early return and lack of news about their families increased the soldiers’ anxiety, as prisoners revealed later.

The Indian formations committed in the Bangladesh operations had also been diverted from active commitments. Border clashes with Pakistani troops in support of Mukti Bahini had become a continuous commitment for these troops, especially after the end of the monsoon, and was equally fatiguing, but the spirit generated by the cause of liberating Bangladesh had given the desired fillip to the Indians to create the morale needed for the coming war.

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With the preemptive Pakistani air action against Indian airfields on the western front on the evening of 3 December, a full-fledged war broke out. The formations poised for a pre-planned strike in East Pakistan were accordingly ordered to put their offensive plans into action. The master plan described earlier envisaged crippling the Pakistani war machine in the eastern wing and liberating the entire territory within three weeks. The task before Aurora was not as easy as appeared after its swift execution. The campaign is described sectorwise below to enable events to be followed more easily.