Children are pliable and easily manipulated, which derives from their stage of psychological development. They are more receptive to new ideas, which are so important in the Northeast since rebel groups have split at regular intervals. Leaders always prefer to build up a clique of loyal cadres who would always obey and follow them if they were to walk out of the organisation. Interestingly, outfits in Manipur that suffered the maximum divisions have also the largest number of children in their ranks. To cite an example: The Kuki National Front (KNF), the first militant outfit among the Kukis, was formed in 1986 in Manipur under the leadership of Nehlun Kipgen mainly to counter the growing hegemony of the NSCN (IM). Its primary objective was a homeland for the Kukis by integrating all areas inhabited by the tribe under a single administrative mechanism.
The situation gets worse if the child comes from a broken family and has been separated from parents. Separated children are at risk of every form of exploitation, whether it involves insurgency, trafficking or drug peddling.
The first division came in 1995, with one faction declaring itself as the “presidential” group and another as the “military council.” Three more groups—Samuel, Zougam and Prithvi—emerged from within these factions in the late 1990s. In the factional clashes that followed among these factions, finance secretary of the Zougam group, identified as Dongkhogin Haokip, was shot by an unidentified cadre of the presidential faction of the KNF at Sapermeina area in Senapati in 2007. All these factions of KNF have utilised children in an extensive manner, including collecting donations and extortion.14
The situation in Manipur is also explicable in terms of the low population of the Kuki-Chin-Mizo tribes and the necessity of the myriad outfits to maintain large cadre strength. These tribes comprise only about 6 lakh of a total population of 2.7 million in the state according to the latest census figures. Although no study has been conducted, it is quite apparent that more and more people are moving out of the state to the metropolises in search of livelihoods. In such a scenario, it is but natural that recruitment into militant outfits cannot follow strict guidelines and there is no option but to enrol children sometimes in the absence of eligible adults. Importantly, these groups have their own areas to control and collect “taxes” from, and stepping into another’s territory could engender bloody clashes, as evidenced on many occasions during the past one decade.
The 19 groups of Manipur are clubbed into two umbrella organisations—Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and the United People’s Front (UPF)—with the former having 15 groups under its wings and the UPF 4 groups. In spite of having almost the same objectives and hailing from the same ethnic stock, most of these groups do not see eye to eye with each other and compete with each other for control of territory. Alliances have been brittle, and outfits have been found to shift their loyalties frequently depending upon the circumstances. There is always a better chance of suppressing rival groups with more cadre strength and greater firepower.
Many children view joining a militant outfit as getting a chance to obtain things they could not have got otherwise.
Usually, a disrupted social system sets the stage for unforced recruitment since it offers few options for young people, who spend most of their time in idleness. And this is nowhere more visible that among the tribal societies in the Northeast, which have witnessed turmoil since the dawn of independence due to a combination of factors. Barring the ULFA in Assam and the organisations in Manipur’s Imphal Valley like the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and Kangleipak Communist Party, the rest of the insurgent movements have emerged from the tribal areas in the region. At least 25 militant outfits are active in the five hill districts of Manipur—Ukhrul, Senapati, Chandel, Tamenglong and Churachandpur—which are predominantly inhabited by Christian tribals of the Mongoloid stock, including the Kuki-Chin-Mizo communities.
The impact of social turmoil has been more acute in the tribal pockets since life was community oriented and the members possessed a consciousness of mutual unity. A child growing up in such an environment imbibes the group’s culture ardently, which is defined through norms and values, language, religion and politics. The community’s identity is expressed and perpetuated through the use of flags, songs, memorials and other symbols. Needless to mention that most of the tribes in the region are known for their martial tradition, independence and hatred for outside interference, which led the British to mark them as “excluded areas.”
“¦in conflict zones, where human rights abuses, killings and arbitrary detentions are a rule rather than an exception, children often learn to label themselves in part by opposition to the enemy.
In the process of socialisation, tribes teach children to sacrifice for their group and to honour their history and way of life. And in conflict zones, where human rights abuses, killings and arbitrary detentions are a rule rather than an exception, children often learn to label themselves in part by opposition to the enemy. They see their choice to join insurgent groups and to fight as based on a cause. They may be seeking revenge, or they may believe that their involvement in the struggle is needed in the community’s interest. In this respect, the recruitment pattern in the Northeast is similar to that in other parts of the world.
Although 90 per cent of the children in conflict zones do not join the armed groups, those who do perceive that getting associated with the organisation may be their best hope of survival and protection. As in other parts of the world, insurgency creates a highly militarised environment in which authority is openly contested. For a child hailing from a village in the frontier tracts, membership in such an organisation increases access not only to clothing, food and health care but also to a sense of power and respect. The thrill associated with wielding military power can be highly seductive to the children who seek escape from the dreariness of rural life. Many children view joining a militant outfit as getting a chance to obtain things they could not have got otherwise.
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