On November 02, 2015, the Meghalaya High Court, while hearing a matter pertaining to frequent calls for bandh in the state by the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), had asked the central government to consider enforcing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 (AFSPA) and the deployment of armed and paramilitary forces in the militancy-hit Garo Hills region for maintaining law and order. The court noted that, as per the data supplied by the state police, a total of 87 people including 25 civilians, 27 businessmen, 25 employees of the private sector, five government employees and five teachers were abducted for ransom by insurgents in the Garo Hills region in the year 2015.
The court further observed that the police and civil authorities in the region, despite their best efforts, are not able to control the incidents of kidnapping and killing and that the funds allocated by the central government have not helped in improving the law and order situation.1
There were sporadic protests against this order in the Garo Hills area and the central government decided to challenge it in the Supreme Court. That notwithstanding, essentially, this order of the high court aptly highlights the emerging threat from GNLA in Meghalaya.
Meghalaya Brief
Meghalaya, literally meaning ‘the abode of clouds’, is a hilly state. It is bounded by Assam’s Goalpara, Kamrup and Karbi Anglong districts to its north and Cachar and North Cachar districts to its east. It shares a 443 km long border with Bangladesh on its south and west. The India-Bangladesh border is marked by a high degree of porosity and checking illegal cross-border activities has long been a major challenge.
Meghalaya was created as an autonomous state, carved out from erstwhile Assam state, on April 02, 1970 and was granted full statehood on January 21, 1972. The Khasis, Jaintias and Garos are the key indigenous tribal communities inhabiting the state. Over the years, various people, tribals and non-tribals, from other parts of the country have settled down in the state. As per the 2011 census, Meghalaya has a population of about 29.67 lakhs, 85 per cent of which is tribal. Almost all the tribals in Meghalaya are Christians. Out of the 15 per cent non-tribal population, Hindus comprise about 10 per cent, Muslims two per cent, and others the remaining two per cent.
Insurgency in Meghalaya
A number of issues such as support to demand for secession/statehood for Garos and Khasi – Jaintias, influx of outsiders, exploitation of natural resources, border disputes with Assam and trans-shipment of weapons from Bangladesh into Assam via Meghalaya could be said to have given rise to the insurgency in the state.
The insurgency in Meghalaya began in the latter part of the 1980s, wherein it started as a movement against the socio-economic and political domination of the dkhars (outsiders). Many militant groups were then formed by the locals to seek greater autonomy or a separate/sovereign state. Initially the Hynniewtrep Achik Liberation Council (HALC) was formed which represented the interests of the dominant tribes of the state, the Khasis, Jaintias and the Garos. However, the tribal differences due to Garo people developing a feeling of being sidelined led to a split in the HALC in 1992, with Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) representing the Khasis and the Jaintias, and the Achik Matgrik Liberation Army (AMLA) representing the Garos. The AMLA subsequently passed into oblivion and was replaced by the Achik National Volunteers Council (ANVC). While the HNLC aims at converting Meghalaya into a state exclusively for the Khasi tribe by freeing it from the ‘domination’ of the Garo tribe, the ANVC’s purported objective is to carve out a homeland called ‘Achik Land’ in the areas of Garo Hills.2
The ANVC was declared an unlawful association on November 16, 2000 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The outfit entered into a tripartite Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement with the central/state government on July 23, 2004 for a period of six month, which was subsequently extended by another six month. The same has since been extended periodically. Its cadres are now confined to the Youth Hostel in Tura.. Later, the Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC-B), a splinter group from the ANVC, too signed a tripartite pact on September 24, 2014 and suspended its activities.
Key Enabling Factors
A. Porous Border with Bangladesh
Illegal immigration has become a major issue in Meghalaya. Millions of Bangladeshis have poured into India over a period of time as the Indian economy prospered. In Meghalaya, dozens of political and civic groups have demanded that this migration be stopped or controlled to manageable levels. Migration from Mankachar Circle of Dhubri District of Assam to Meghalaya is another area of concern.
The porous border with Bangladesh, especially to the west and south, can be attributed as one of the major reasons for insurgency and illegal activities in the state. It provides an easy gateway to insurgents seeking safe havens in Bangladesh. Adequate hideouts are also available in Meghalaya due to the rugged terrain and thick forest cover. The conditions are thus conducive for insurgency and illegal activities to flourish. The border between Meghalaya and Bangladesh is about 443 km long, of which some 350 kms is fenced; but the border is not continuously patrolled and is known to be porous. Efforts are underway to fence it completely and to issue identity cards.
B. Tribal Aspirations
Meghalaya is one of the four tribal majority states in India’s Northeast, others being Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland. It is the homeland of three major hill tribal communities: the Khasi, Jaintia and the Garo, each divided into numerous clans. In fact, the term ‘Khasi’ is often used in a generic sense and includes the Khasi, Jaintia, Bhoi and the War. They are collectively known as the Hynniewtrep people. Besides Garo hills, Garos are scattered in Assam, Tripura, Nagaland and Mymensingh District in Bangladesh. Khasi constitute more than half of the total population of the scheduled tribes (STs) in the state (56.04 per cent). Garo is second with 34.06 per cent.3
Meghalaya is witnessing a growing demand for a separate Garoland for the Garo tribe. A long-standing demand for a Khasi state to be carved out of Meghalaya has also periodically resulted in conflicts with non-tribals and, at times, even with the Jaintia and Garo communities. Government programmes have not significantly helped the tribals in raising their economic status. The divide between the tribal residents and non-tribal settlers (mostly Bangladeshi) or the locals and the non-locals, issues of identity, widespread corruption, perceived injustice, and growing unemployment have been at the root of the conflict in Meghalaya.
C. Ineffective Autonomous District Councils
There are three Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in the state: the Garo Hills Autonomous District Council at Tura, the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council at Shillong and the Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council at Jowai. More than four decades of experimentation with ADCs has not helped fulfill the hopes and desires of the tribal people. It has only strengthened the identity politics in the state. The idea of establishing ADCs was initially hailed as the harbinger of political and constitutional advancement towards granting autonomy to the ethnic minorities in Meghalaya. However, the areas administered by ADCs continue to remain backward even after all these years. The pace of development has left the people at large disappointed.
There are a number of socio–political organisations in Meghalaya which have been projecting the demands of the local population, the main ones being deportation of outsiders settled in the state and institution of inner line permit system. In addition, the student unions of the respective tribes, which wield considerable influence in the state, too have failed to mobilise the population at large towards achieving an acceptable solution to the vexed issues. Thus, unless the issues concerning the entire region are addressed in a holistic manner, tribal development will remain a distant dream.
Emergence of Garo National Liberation Army
The GNLA was formed in 2009 with the aim of creating a separate ‘Garoland’ in the western parts of Meghalaya. The group is known to have an estimated strength of 200-250, which operates from the coal-rich Garo Hills of Meghalaya and Garo-inhabited areas of Goalpara/Kamrup (R) District of Assam. The outfit was formed by former Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), Meghalaya, Pakchara R. Sangma alias Champion R. Sangma, after he deserted the police force. He is the ‘chairman’ of the outfit and Sohan D. Shira, former ANVC ‘area commander’ for the East Garo Hills, is the ‘commander-in-chief’ of the outfit. The cadre base of the outfit is mainly formed by deserters from ANVC and Liberation of Achik Elite Force (LAEF).4 The group is in possession of modern weapons like AK series rifles, US M-16 rifles, HK rifles, under barrel grenade launchers, rocket propelled grenades, Chinese grenades, other automatic weapons and explosives.
GNLA was declared a terrorist organisation by the Centre in January 2012. Sangma was apprehended in Bangladesh last year and is presently in judicial custody. The group is now active under its self- styled commander-in-chief Sohan D Shira. GNLA has been involved in several cases of murder, extortion, gun running and kidnapping in all the three Garo Hills districts in Meghalaya.5
Expanding Co-ordination with Other Groups
The GNLA has forged close operational links with other militant groups in the Northeast like the United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I)6 and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland-Songbijit, NDFB (S). It also has links with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM). The outfit has also forged an alliance with the Bangladesh-based militant group, A’chik Special Dragon Party.7
Meghalaya has been used as a “corridor” for routing sophisticated arms and ammunition by the militant outfits from neighbouring states including Assam. As per information available with the intelligence agencies of the central and the state government, the militant outfits like ULFA (I) and the NDFB (S) have been using Meghalaya as a corridor. According to the state chief minister, most of the GNLA and other militant outfit cadres operating in the state are either from Assam or Bangladesh as these areas too have a Garo population.8
There is enough evidence to show ongoing co-operation between GNLA and the anti-talks ULFA (I) based in Bangladesh. According to the police, there are evidences indicating that talks have been held between the GNLA supremo Sohan D. Shira and deputy commander-in-chief of ULFA (I) Drishti Rajkhowa aliasManoj Rabha. The links between GNLA and ULFA (I) seem to have been renewed last year during Operation Hill Storm when Shira fled Meghalaya and camped in Bangladesh for a few months. GNLA had also sought the services of ULFA (I) for training in Improvised Explosive Device (IED) making in the latter’s camps in Bangladesh.9 Since the ULFA (I) has been marginalised in Assam, it wants to continue this alliance to remain relevant.
On the eve of the Republic Day this year, GNLA’s publicity secretary announced that the group had joined hands with other major militant groups operating in the north east so as to be part of the ULFA and NSCN-Khaplang-led United National Liberation Front of Western South East Asia (UNLFWSEA)10 coordination committee, after the highest ranking leaders of the group presumably led by Sohan D Shira held an emergency meeting. It was also stated that GNLA is now a part of the new joint organisation which also includes the Khasi Hills based HNLC as a member.11
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