Indian Defence Review

The Formation of Naga National Council

After the war, Sir Charles Pawsey, the District Commissioner, established an organisation called Naga Hills District Tribal Council with the main objective of bringing together all Naga tribes on one platform, to help in repairing the damages caused by the war. The council was converted into a political organisation at its Wokha Conference in February 1946, and was named NNC with T Alibaimti as its President and T Sakhrie as the General Secretary. In its early years it was the only organised political formation, which subsequently became the political wing of the underground federal government.

The idea of complete independence had not yet crystallised. Sakhrie declared in Kohima in December 1946: “The NNC stands for the unification of all the Naga tribes and their freedom. Our country is connected with India, connected in many ways. We should continue that connection. I do not mind whether future India be a Congress Government or a League Government.

But as a distinct community, as I stated before, we must also develop according to our own genius and taste. We will enjoy home-rule in our country, but on broader issues be connected with India.”7 T Alibaimti, the president of NNC, expressed similar sentiments in a public meeting at Kohima thus: “You are looking beyond the ocean for help. Cutting it short, I declare to you that Great Britain will never endanger her foreign policy for the sake of you. Lastly, never forget that you have been excluded for enough time, excluded from every angle of life, who is responsible for it? I have but one word to say, our country is connected with India in many ways. We should continue that connection.”8As Independence came closer, NNC sent a political memorandum to Lord Mountbatten in February 1947, suggesting that India might act as guardian power for a period of ten years after which Naga people would be free to determine their political future. The NNC took the same position before the advisory committee for Assam headed by Gopinath Bordoloi.

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To break the impasse, discussions were held between Akbar Hydari, Governor of Assam, and Naga leaders at Kohima from 27 to 29 May 1947, which led to the Nine-Point Agreement, popularly known as Akbar Hydari Agreement. The preamble of the agreement recognised “the right of the Nagas to develop themselves according to their freely expressed wishes,” but Clause 9 of the agreement which read as follows, created controversy over its interpretation:

Clause 9

“The Governor of Assam or the Agent of the Government of Indian Union will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure the due observance of this agreement; at the end of the period NNC will be asked whether they require the above agreement to be extended for a further period, or a new agreement regarding future of the Naga people arrived at.”

The preamble of the agreement recognised “the right of the Nagas to develop themselves according to their freely expressed wishes”¦

The NNC claimed that Clause 9 of the agreement gave the Nagas right to complete independence on the expiry of ten-year period, whereas the Government of India interpreted the agreement in the light that Nagas had the freedom only to suggest revision of administrative pattern after ten years, an interpretation, which was unacceptable to the NNC.9

Despite the meeting with Gandhi, the NNC under pressure from Phizo declared Independence on August 14, 1947 and the next day the NNC under the presidentship of Temjenliba unanimously amended Clause 9 to read: –

“The Governor of Assam as the agent of the Government of India will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure the due observance of the Agreement at the end of the period the Nagas will be free to decide their own future.”10

“¦the Nagas would be free to select for themselves the exact administrative set-up within the constitution. They would be free to remain in Assam or join Manipur.

An ultimatum was issued on November 4, 1947 to the effect that unless the Government of India implemented the Akbar Hydari Agreement, as amended by NNC within one month, the Nagas would form their own parallel government.11 The ultimatum was however not carried out in deference to the statements issued by Gandhi. In July 1948, a delegation of Naga moderates met Bordoloi to seek a written assurance for the implementation of Akbar Hydari Agreement, which was given signed by both the Governor and the Chief Minister of Assam.”12 This assurance was sought to set at rest the apprehensions of some of the Naga leaders that the provisions of Akbar Hydari Agreement were nullified by the provision in the draft constitution. It was explained to the delegation at length that the draft constitution was in no way inconsistent with the agreement. On the contrary, it prescribed the machinery whereby the agreement might be translated into action. In the light of earlier submissions of the NNC to the Governor of Assam, it was obviously intended that at the end of ten years, the Nagas would be free to select for themselves the exact administrative set-up within the constitution. They would be free to remain in Assam or join Manipur.13 However the last paragraph was interpreted differently by NNC, and became the genesis of all future convulsions.

When Nehru visited Assam in December 1951, a five man delegation led by Phizo met him at Silighat (Tezpur) and presented the result of the plebiscite, Nehru is reported to have replied that in the present context of affairs, both in India and abroad, it is impossible for a moment to consider such an absurd demand for independence.14 The next meeting of Phizo with Nehru at New Delhi on March 1952 turned out to be stormy and quite unpleasant for both.

 The Nagas walked out of the meeting organised in their honour when they were prevented from submitting any memorandum demanding self-determination or making an address to that effect.

When Phizo insisted on his demand for independence for Nagas, Nehru was furious and is reported to have replied: “Even if heaven falls and India goes to pieces and blood runs the country, I will not allow the Nagas to be independent.”15 The visit of Nehru with U Nu, the Prime Minister of Myanmar, on March 30, 1953 to Kohima was another unhappy episode. The Nagas walked out of the meeting organised in their honour when they were prevented from submitting any memorandum demanding self-determination or making an address to that effect.16

The Beginning of Insurgency

Phizo and his followers were now on a course of confrontation with the government. The Nagas boycotted the first general elections of free India in 1952. Sakhrie opposed Phizo on this headlong confrontation with India as he felt that Nagas were ill prepared for such a clash. Sakhrie was later tortured and murdered. Phizo toured the districts extensively and exhorted the people not to pay taxes to the government, which led to clashes between his followers and the law enforcement agencies. The first violent incident occurred in June 1953 in Tuensang, then part of NEFA.

The violence continued in 1954; the rebels ambushed patrols of Assam Rifles, telephone wires were cut, government buildings were set on fire and people were forced to meet the requirement of food and other expenses of the hostiles. By 1955 violence had escalated to an alarming degree and had spread from Tuensang to the neighbouring areas of Mokokchung. To stem the tide of violence, nine police posts were opened in Tuensang Frontier Area in 1953. Simultaneously the Assam Rifles began operations in Tuensang from where they spread to Mokokchung area. Both Tuensang and Mokokchung were declared disturbed areas under the newly enacted Assam Maintenance of Public Order (Autonomous District) Act-1953 and the Assam Disturbed Areas Act-1955.