Indian Defence Review

Economic Interests

Though economic interest is the pivot of this relationship, strategic concerns have led to defence cooperation. In 2013, in a first of its kind, Japan agreed to export its military US2 amphibian aircraft to India for civilian use. This demonstrates how Japan looks at the possibility of enhancing India’s role in the region. Furthermore, two other developments in 2014 would be of advantage for both the countries. First, Narendra Modi on assuming the post of Prime Minister of India has proposed opening up of the defence industry to foreign players. For Japan, on the search for market which is driving investment in the infrastructure and manufacturing sector, the defence industry becomes an added avenue for investment. Having delayed entry in sectors like electronics and computers, Japan can be a first mover in this sector which has great potential as bilateral partnership would play a role in smooth operations.

Constitution Reinterpretation in Japan

In Japan, under the leadership of Abe, the Cabinet approved re-interpretation of the Constitution and allowed for the Self Defence Force of Japan to extend the scope of the right to self-defense to include the defence of an ally under attack. This is a significant move and if passed by the Diet, it would “enable” Japan to use the Self-Defence Forces if “the country’s existence is threatened, and there are clear dangers that the people’s right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness would be overturned” due to an armed attack on Japan or “countries with close ties.”6. If this comes through, it would draw Japan into playing a more meaningful role in Asian security architecture. It can be safely assumed that India would be seen as an ally of Japan and the latter would look forward to the former’s support in the international forum.

Significance of Modi’s Visit to Japan

Between 2005 and the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in September 2014, there have been many successful developments in strategic partnership and this has thus created an environment for further dialogue. Some of the key achievements are:

• Rescue by the Indian Navy of the Japanese ship Alondra Rainbow in 1999 from the clutches of Somali pirates showcased the prowess of the Indian Navy to the Japanese and initiated multi-level dialogues between India and Japan.
• Under initiative of then Defence Minister A.K. Anthony and Minister of External Affairs S.M Krishna in 2011, a joint naval exercise was proposed and was agreed upon by Prime Ministers Noda and Manmohan Singh. Successful joint naval exercise between Japan’s MSDF and the Indian Navy were carried out in JIMEX 12, 2012. From July 27 to July 30, 2014, joint exercises were held in two phases – port phase and sea phase between the Indian Navy and Japan MSDF.

• 2014 saw a new dimension in the Malabar Exercise. This exercise is normally an annual bilateral naval exercise involving India and the United States. The exercise mainly focuses on anti-piracy and anti-terrorism operations. This year, on India’s invitation, Japan participated in the exercises – a reflection of the increasingly close relationship between the two countries.
• During Abe’s visit in January 2014, the two partners decided on setting up regular consultations between Japan’s newly formed National Security Council and its own National Security Advisor.
• India and Japan have also agreed to jointly patrol the Malacca Strait to counter piracy operations.

Thus with a history of successful ventures in strategic and defence cooperation, Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Japan had many expectations. As far as progress on strategic partnership is concerned, the following are the highlights:

• Special Strategic Global Partnership:7 Japan and India have upgraded their partnership to the level of ‘Special Strategic and Global Partnership’ with the signing of a defence pact for regional stability and Tokyo’s decision to double FDI in India.
• The two Prime Ministers underlined the importance of the ‘2 plus 2’ dialogue involving Foreign and Defence Secretaries for their growing strategic partnership and have decided to seek ways to intensify this dialogue
• The two sides signed a Memorandum of Cooperation and Exchanges in the field of Defence during Prime Minister Modi’s five-day visit. “We intend to give a new thrust and direction to our defence cooperation, including collaboration in defence technology and equipment, given our shared interest in peace and stability and maritime security8.
• The two sides stressed the importance of the regularisation of bilateral maritime exercises as well as Japan’s continued participation in India-US Malabar series of exercises.
• The two Prime Ministers welcomed the progress made in the discussions in the Joint Working Group (JWG) on cooperation in US-2 amphibian aircraft and its technology and directed their officials to accelerate their discussions9
• Modi deplored the “expansionist” tendency among some countries which “encroach” upon the seas of others, in oblique comments against China which has a maritime dispute with Japan.

Analysis and Conclusion

Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Japan has been heralded by the media as a paradigm shift, and can be explained in terms of economic benefits but if one is to look at the strategic engagement, two very critical issues on which the agreement was envisaged, was found wanting.

For India, getting an approval for the civil nuclear deal with Japan was crucial as it is hampering both American and French companies in providing reactors to India. However, since the initiation of this issue, Japan has been very rigid on India signing the Non Proliferation Treaty. India, on the other hand, has been insisting on a self-imposed moratorium on its tests. Further, India does not approve of Tokyo’s insistence on the clause in the text of the agreement that provides for automatic termination of nuclear ties if India conducts a nuclear test in the future. While negotiations were on at the highest level even before the Indian Prime Minister landed in Japan, the Joint Statement could at best say “further accelerate the negotiation”. While Modi in his press briefing asserted, “In recent months, we have made significant progress in our negotiations on civil nuclear cooperation…”10, Abe gave a positive thrust by saying, “We have agreed to instruct our negotiators to work expeditiously to conclude the negotiations at an early date so that we can further strengthen our strategic partnership.”11

For Japan, the “2 plus 2” dialogue between Foreign and Defence Secretaries of India and Japan in line of that with US has been promoted by Abe as the key pillar with his expansive regional “Proactive Contributor to Peace” doctrine and coalition building strategy. He has successfully brought Russia on board and is keen to have India, Vietnam and Australia. In spite of Abe’s attempts, Modi has deflected this. Upon analysis, we see that for India, for the first time there are two Asian giants – China and Japan- seeking favours. By agreeing to participate in the “2 plus 2” dialogue, Modi would be sending a strong signal to China. At this juncture, any repercussion is definitely not desirable for India.

Thus while much acclaimed shared values, convergent interests and complementary skills is the foundation for this partnership, and the two nations are committed to engage in cooperation, integration and strengthening of economic and security forums, the partnership is still skewed on the economic front as the Joint Statement has nine paragraphs devoted to “Partnership for Prosperity” and another six to technology and connecting people. While analysis of the strategic cooperation shows a significant development post 2005, the current trip has seen the standard deliverables in defence cooperation. Perhaps the most significant development has been ‘soft power’ play that Modi has engaged in, in connecting with the common man in Japan and given his personal equation with Abe, there is a possibility of promoting broader and deeper cooperation at a strategic level in the near future.