So the wheel has come a full circle in Nandigram. All the CPI (M) village party offices were demolished in Nandigram by BUPC between January and November. When the CPI (M) recaptured Nandigram they literally paid back in the same coin. Houses of BUPC sympathizers were looted and set on fire. “We are TMC supporters. Our house was used for TMC meetings. That is why when CPI (M) recaptured Nandigram our house was targetted,” said Usha Pal, a TMC supporter. On the surface, the conflict in Nandigram appears to be over, but the violent conflict between the CPI (M) and Trinamul Congress is rapidly metamorphosing, unseen and in unknown ways, into a deep and dangerous retaliatory conflict. “The BUPC will retaliate. They will regroup and certainly hit back,” said Ashok Bera, CPM Zonal Committee. “Yes they have a plan. But I hope people will have the last word. They have understood the consequences of terrorism,” agreed Lakshman Seth. The CRPF presence is keeping the simmering conflict from exploding. “There might be some incidents of clashes…our sons, mothers and fathers have been tortured by them and how can anyone forget it,” said Bera. On the other hand Swadesh Das Adhikari, BUPC armed leader said, “Our movement will continue. The CPI (M) cannot kill this movement by force. The people are with us. In fact, let me tell you we are going to strengthen and intensify our movement.”
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The move by the Left Front government in West Bengal to acquire land in Nandigram without informing and consulting the villagers or even putting a full-scale rehabilitation plan in place backfired. It sparked a rebellion that was manipulated and politicised both by the CPI (M) and the Trinamul Congress. So in the final analysis, the conflict in Nandigram is not really about industrialisation but simply a primitive war for control of political territory, which has serious internal security implications not only for the state but for the entire country. The party in power is expected to be non-partisan in governance and in dealing with internal security situation. If it takes sides, it only gives impetus to the cycle of violence. Political parties which promote armed cadres, in effect, strike at the very roots of democracy. The resultant lack of governance and consequent instability is an invitation to inimical external powers to fish in troubled waters.
What we are essentially witnessing in the underdeveloped part of India (Singur, Nandigram, Orissa) is a clash between agricultural wave and industrial wave which has to be astutely managed. Failure to do so will be an invitation to armed clash between anti-industrialisation and pro-industrialisation forces leading to internecine wars and long drawn insurgencies. As it is, the proliferation of small arms in rural India is a matter of acute concern. When insurgencies grow, they invariably seek linkages with other insurgent and terrorist outfits. The linkages between the Maoists and the BUPC, Maoists and ULFA, and Maoists and LTTE, vindicates it.
In the case of Nandigram, the affected population were largely muslims. It had Islamic fundamentalism angle as well. No sooner Nandigram was recaptured by the CPI (M) carders, there was sudden and shrill clamour by some Islamic organisations to oust Taslima Nasrin from Kolkata. The secular CPI (M) state government caved in. The central government was confused and defensive, and Indian secularists still appear confounded and cornered. The state government may have won the battle, but the credibility of Indian democracy and secularism has taken much beating.
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