The origin of the word ‘Naga’ is shrouded in mystery. It is however clear that the appellation “Nagas” was quite foreign to Nagas themselves. It is only after the advent of the British that the word ‘Naga’ began to be widely used for tribes inhabiting the Naga Hills. Before that the inhabitants of these hills knew themselves by their tribe names. “To most Assamese and people in east India, it meant naked hill people, who were head hunters”1.
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It is not intended here to go into anthropological or racial origins of the Naga tribes, but briefly, they belong to Indo-Mongoloid family and migrated from west and north to their present habitat over a period of time from different directions. They do not have a common language or dialect; each tribe has its own dialect or dialects, which are unintelligible to other tribes. For the purpose of this study the term Naga includes the various tribes who have spread across the present states of Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and some parts of Assam, as also across the border in parts of Myanmar.
They do not have a common language or dialect; each tribe has its own dialect or dialects, which are unintelligible to other tribes.
The chronicles of Ahom Kings, Buranjis, throw some light on Naga relations with Ahoms. The first contact of the Nagas with them took place during the time of Sukapha, the founder of the Ahom kingdom in about 1228 AD. As the Ahom kingdom expanded, there were frequent clashes between the Ahoms and the Nagas, but on the whole the Ahoms kept the bordering tribes under control and extracted tributes from them. In return, the Nagas were granted revenue free lands and fishing waters on the understanding that they would desist from making any predatory raids into plains.
The Ahoms never tried to conquer the Nagas and amalgamate them in their kingdom but left them to live the way they liked. The Nagas lived in comparative isolation during the 600 years rule of Ahoms over Assam. It was only after the conquest of Assam by the British in 1826 that they came in contact with the British. The first contact was established during Anglo-Burmese war when Capt Neurf Ville crossed the Patkai Hills to free 6,000 Naga slaves from Singhpos.
“¦some for independence for the Nagas, but there was no overwhelming demand or unanimity for immediate separation from India.
In 1832, Capts Jenkins and Pemberton led an expedition of 700 Manipuri troops and 800 coolies across the Naga Hills and occupied Papoolongmai in the face of fierce resistance by the Angami Nagas. Nearly a decade later in 1841, Lt Briggs in conjunction with Capt Gordon led another expedition into Angami area, which resulted in demarcation of the boundary between Manipur and Naga Hills and payment of yearly tribute by the Angamis to the British. These engagements were mainly to protect the tea gardens of Assam from raids by Angamis. The contacts with the Nagas grew as the British opened up communications between Assam and Manipur through the Naga Hills. But the agreements between the British and the Nagas proved to be temporary, as no sooner the troops had left the hills, the Nagas began their marauding raids into the plains.
Between 1849 and 1850 as many as ten expeditions were sent under Lt Vincent. In the tenth expedition the British captured a strong Naga fort at Khonoma and fought a bloody battle against the tribes of Kekrema, but the British troops were withdrawn in 1851.2 This was in pursuance of the new policy of Lord Dalhousie under which it was decided to abstain from any type of intervention in the affairs of the Nagas. In his minute of February 20, 1851 Lord Dalhousie recorded: “I dissent entirely from the policy which is recommended of what is called obtaining control, that is to say, of taking possession of these hills and establishing our sovereignty over their savage inhabitants. Our possession could bring no profit to us, and would be as costly to us as it would be unproductive – – – Hereafter, we should confine ourselves to our own ground; protect it as it can and must be protected; not meddle in the feuds or fight of these savages; encourage trade with them as long as they are peaceful towards us and rigidly exclude them for all communication either to sell what they have got, or buy what they want if they should become so turbulent or troublesome.”3
The idea of complete independence had not yet crystallised.
The policy of non-interference lasted for the next 15 years, which emboldened the Nagas and they made twenty-two raids in the Assam Valley in 1851 alone. The situation became so hopeless that in 1862 the Commissioner of Assam in a report to the Lt Governor wrote: “the non-interference policy is excellent in theory, but the government will probably be inclined to think that it must be abandoned.”4 The British at the instance of Cecil Beadon, Lt Governor of Bengal, adopted a policy of slow but positive control over Naga territory. In keeping with this policy, Lt Gregory established his headquarters at Samaguting in 1866 and by 1877 the British had decided on a forward policy and consequently two posts, one at Kohima and the other at Wokha, were established in 1878 to check Angami raids on Nowgong and to dominate Lotha country east of Dikhu. The Naga Hill district was formed in 1881 mainly with Angami and Lotha areas.
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Beyond the administered area, the British created a zone of political control. The Ao area of Mokokchung was brought under the British administration in 1890. The expansion of administered hill district continued eastward on one pretext or the other. In 1907 AW Davis, Deputy Commissioner of Nagaland observed: “we shall have no real peace until we have absorbed the whole of hill area between this and Chindwin. This can be done gradually and economically. As it is, the huge area of uncontrolled hill country between Assam and Burma is an anomaly.” The views of local officers were echoed by Sir Archdale Earl, the Chief Commissioner, who said in 1914 that the process of expansion would have to be continued, “until the whole of the country between Assam and Burma had been taken over.”5 The expansion of administered hill district continued till 1927 when the Melomi (Meluri) and Primi (Akhegwo) were included in the Naga Hill district in 1922.6
The Formation of Naga Club
The first stirrings of Naga identity and politics started with the formation of Naga Club in 1918. The members of this club were mainly government servants and many Nagas who had returned from France after the World War I. When the Statutory Commission, headed by Sir John Simon, visited Kohima on January 10, 1929, representatives of the Naga Club submitted a memorandum to the commission demanding that Nagas be excluded from the scope of proposed constitutional reform and kept under direct administration of the British. They told the commission: “you are the only people who have conquered us and when you go, we should be as we were.” However, in the report of the Simon Commission, the representation made by the Nagas was ignored and thus the Government of India Act 1935 came into effect from May 1, 1937, making Naga Hills Backward Tract of 1919 as Excluded Area under Assam but directly under the administration of the Governor.
When it became clear that India would soon become a free country, the leadership of Nagas was in the hands of moderate leaders”¦
The Japanese invasion of Burma during the World War II and the battles fought by the British in the hills around Kohima had brought the Nagas in contact with the outside world. Their leaders were exposed to the prevailing sentiments against British and European colonialism in Asia. But there was considerable uncertainty amongst the Naga leaders in deciding their political future. When it became clear that India would soon become a free country, the leadership of Nagas was in the hands of moderate leaders like Alibaimti and T. Sakhrie. Although there were different shades of opinion, some for independence for the Nagas, but there was no overwhelming demand or unanimity for immediate separation from India.
The Formation of Naga National Council
After the war, Sir Charles Pawsey, the District Commissioner, established an organisation called Naga Hills District Tribal Council with the main objective of bringing together all Naga tribes on one platform, to help in repairing the damages caused by the war. The council was converted into a political organisation at its Wokha Conference in February 1946, and was named NNC with T Alibaimti as its President and T Sakhrie as the General Secretary. In its early years it was the only organised political formation, which subsequently became the political wing of the underground federal government.
The idea of complete independence had not yet crystallised. Sakhrie declared in Kohima in December 1946: “The NNC stands for the unification of all the Naga tribes and their freedom. Our country is connected with India, connected in many ways. We should continue that connection. I do not mind whether future India be a Congress Government or a League Government.
But as a distinct community, as I stated before, we must also develop according to our own genius and taste. We will enjoy home-rule in our country, but on broader issues be connected with India.”7 T Alibaimti, the president of NNC, expressed similar sentiments in a public meeting at Kohima thus: “You are looking beyond the ocean for help. Cutting it short, I declare to you that Great Britain will never endanger her foreign policy for the sake of you. Lastly, never forget that you have been excluded for enough time, excluded from every angle of life, who is responsible for it? I have but one word to say, our country is connected with India in many ways. We should continue that connection.”8As Independence came closer, NNC sent a political memorandum to Lord Mountbatten in February 1947, suggesting that India might act as guardian power for a period of ten years after which Naga people would be free to determine their political future. The NNC took the same position before the advisory committee for Assam headed by Gopinath Bordoloi.
To break the impasse, discussions were held between Akbar Hydari, Governor of Assam, and Naga leaders at Kohima from 27 to 29 May 1947, which led to the Nine-Point Agreement, popularly known as Akbar Hydari Agreement. The preamble of the agreement recognised “the right of the Nagas to develop themselves according to their freely expressed wishes,” but Clause 9 of the agreement which read as follows, created controversy over its interpretation:
Clause 9
“The Governor of Assam or the Agent of the Government of Indian Union will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure the due observance of this agreement; at the end of the period NNC will be asked whether they require the above agreement to be extended for a further period, or a new agreement regarding future of the Naga people arrived at.”
The preamble of the agreement recognised “the right of the Nagas to develop themselves according to their freely expressed wishes”¦
The NNC claimed that Clause 9 of the agreement gave the Nagas right to complete independence on the expiry of ten-year period, whereas the Government of India interpreted the agreement in the light that Nagas had the freedom only to suggest revision of administrative pattern after ten years, an interpretation, which was unacceptable to the NNC.9
Despite the meeting with Gandhi, the NNC under pressure from Phizo declared Independence on August 14, 1947 and the next day the NNC under the presidentship of Temjenliba unanimously amended Clause 9 to read: –
“The Governor of Assam as the agent of the Government of India will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure the due observance of the Agreement at the end of the period the Nagas will be free to decide their own future.”10
“¦the Nagas would be free to select for themselves the exact administrative set-up within the constitution. They would be free to remain in Assam or join Manipur.
An ultimatum was issued on November 4, 1947 to the effect that unless the Government of India implemented the Akbar Hydari Agreement, as amended by NNC within one month, the Nagas would form their own parallel government.11 The ultimatum was however not carried out in deference to the statements issued by Gandhi. In July 1948, a delegation of Naga moderates met Bordoloi to seek a written assurance for the implementation of Akbar Hydari Agreement, which was given signed by both the Governor and the Chief Minister of Assam.”12 This assurance was sought to set at rest the apprehensions of some of the Naga leaders that the provisions of Akbar Hydari Agreement were nullified by the provision in the draft constitution. It was explained to the delegation at length that the draft constitution was in no way inconsistent with the agreement. On the contrary, it prescribed the machinery whereby the agreement might be translated into action. In the light of earlier submissions of the NNC to the Governor of Assam, it was obviously intended that at the end of ten years, the Nagas would be free to select for themselves the exact administrative set-up within the constitution. They would be free to remain in Assam or join Manipur.13 However the last paragraph was interpreted differently by NNC, and became the genesis of all future convulsions.
When Nehru visited Assam in December 1951, a five man delegation led by Phizo met him at Silighat (Tezpur) and presented the result of the plebiscite, Nehru is reported to have replied that in the present context of affairs, both in India and abroad, it is impossible for a moment to consider such an absurd demand for independence.14 The next meeting of Phizo with Nehru at New Delhi on March 1952 turned out to be stormy and quite unpleasant for both.
The Nagas walked out of the meeting organised in their honour when they were prevented from submitting any memorandum demanding self-determination or making an address to that effect.
When Phizo insisted on his demand for independence for Nagas, Nehru was furious and is reported to have replied: “Even if heaven falls and India goes to pieces and blood runs the country, I will not allow the Nagas to be independent.”15 The visit of Nehru with U Nu, the Prime Minister of Myanmar, on March 30, 1953 to Kohima was another unhappy episode. The Nagas walked out of the meeting organised in their honour when they were prevented from submitting any memorandum demanding self-determination or making an address to that effect.16
The Beginning of Insurgency
Phizo and his followers were now on a course of confrontation with the government. The Nagas boycotted the first general elections of free India in 1952. Sakhrie opposed Phizo on this headlong confrontation with India as he felt that Nagas were ill prepared for such a clash. Sakhrie was later tortured and murdered. Phizo toured the districts extensively and exhorted the people not to pay taxes to the government, which led to clashes between his followers and the law enforcement agencies. The first violent incident occurred in June 1953 in Tuensang, then part of NEFA.
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The violence continued in 1954; the rebels ambushed patrols of Assam Rifles, telephone wires were cut, government buildings were set on fire and people were forced to meet the requirement of food and other expenses of the hostiles. By 1955 violence had escalated to an alarming degree and had spread from Tuensang to the neighbouring areas of Mokokchung. To stem the tide of violence, nine police posts were opened in Tuensang Frontier Area in 1953. Simultaneously the Assam Rifles began operations in Tuensang from where they spread to Mokokchung area. Both Tuensang and Mokokchung were declared disturbed areas under the newly enacted Assam Maintenance of Public Order (Autonomous District) Act-1953 and the Assam Disturbed Areas Act-1955.
The Army is Called Out
NNC formally declared the formation of Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) in March 1956, and hoisted its flag at Phenshinyu, some 40 km from Kohima, in the Rengma area. A parliament (Ho Ho) of one hundred members (Tatars) and a president (Kedaghe) with 15 ministers (Kilnosers), governors, magistrates and many other officials with the trappings of a full-fledged government was announced. The Naga Home Guards, which was by now 3,000 strong and armed with weapons left behind by Allies and the Japanese after the end of fighting in World War II, constituted the army of the underground.17 The Government of India intervened by sending troops of its regular army to quell the rebellion. Maj Gen RK Kochar was appointed the General Officer Commanding Naga Hills and Tuensang in April 1956.
The ambush party had consisted of two to three hundred Nagas. The assembly and concealment of such a large body of hostiles demonstrated the skill of Nagas in guerrilla warfare.
The Army began its operations in September 1956 and by the year end 619 rifles (including muzzle loaders), eight machine guns, 17 sten guns, and some other arms and ammunition were seized or recovered.18 But the hostiles were by now fairly well organised and had intimate knowledge of terrain and an efficient intelligence network. In a well-planned action the hostiles ambushed a road protection party of one junior commissioned officer and thirty-two other ranks of 9 Punjab on road Khonoma-Jaluke on April 1, 1957 and killed all except one who survived to tell the tale.19 The ambush party had consisted of two to three hundred Nagas. The assembly and concealment of such a large body of hostiles demonstrated the skill of Nagas in guerrilla warfare.
The hostiles attempted seize of Kohima in June 1956 led by Kaito Sema and Tungti Chang.20 The town was attacked from three different directions on June 10, 1956. The rebels cut off telephone lines, electricity, water supply and destroyed few bridges. The army sent reinforcements, which brought the situation under control.
Phizo’s Escape to East Pakistan
With the intensification of operations by the army, Phizo thought it prudent to flee Nagaland. He escaped to Dacca, then the capital of East Pakistan, taking the North Cachar route to cross the border on December 6, 1956. He had attempted to sneak into Pakistan earlier in 1952 through Burma but was captured by the Burmese and sent back to India. He was subsequently released on compassionate grounds when his wife met with an accident while travelling in a jeep near Khonoma. Phizo was welcomed with open arms in East Pakistan.
The convention inter-alia asked for the formation of a separate state to be named Nagaland within the Indian Union, which virtually over turned the plebiscite held by the supporters of Phizo
After a prolonged stay of three years in Dacca, he went to London via Zurich on a Peruvian passport with the help of Michael Scott, about whom we will hear more in the narrative. He died in exile in Britain on April 30, 1990.21 His body was brought to India by a chartered flight and then taken to his village Khonoma where he was buried.
Sixteen Point Agreement and Formation of Nagaland
Naga Hills witnessed much violence between 1956-58. There was, however, a silver lining in the dark clouds. Many moderate Nagas who saw the futility of violence joined the Peace Committee, which was formed at the initiative of the government. The first convention of all Naga tribes, called the Naga People’s Convention (NPC) was held from 22 to 26 August in Kohima on whose recommendation the Naga Hill District and Tuensang Sub Division of NEFA were amalgamated to form Naga Hill-Tuensang Area (NHTA) on December 1, 1957.
This new unit was administered by the President with the Governor of Assam as his agent and through the Ministry of External Affairs. In order to create a proper atmosphere for the new administration to function, an amnesty was declared and in the hope that hostiles would respond, further grouping of villages was stopped and it was made known that degrouping of villages would take place as and when situation improved. On their part the delegates gave up the demand for independence.
The second convention of NPC was held in May 1958 at Ugma where a liaison committee to contact underground leaders was formed. The historic third convention was held in October 1959 at Mokokchung and was attended by 3,000 delegates drawn from all Naga tribes. The convention inter-alia asked for the formation of a separate state to be named Nagaland within the Indian Union, which virtually over turned the plebiscite held by the supporters of Phizo in 1951. The church leaders also gave a call for peace. A delegation met Nehru in July 1960 with the proposal, which was accepted and came to be called the Sixteen Point Agreement.
President Dr Radhakrishnan inaugurated the new State of Nagaland on December 1, 1960 on the basis of the above agreement, which was earlier signed by the Government of India and the Naga delegation. A crowd of 10,000 Nagas had lined up the three-mile route from the high school helipad to Raj Bhawan in Kohima to welcome the President; an expression of peoples enthusiasm on the creation of the new State of Nagaland.
Overground Politics
The Governor, Gen Srinagesh, swore in an Interim Executive Council headed by Shilu Ao on March 16, 1961. After the transitional period of three years elections to the new state assembly were held from 8 to 18 January 1964 in the Naga Hills except Tuensang. Two political parties, the Nagaland Nationalist Party and the Democratic Party participated in the elections. The former won 34 seats and the latter 12. Despite threats from the underground, to boycott the election, 74 per cent voters cast their votes.22
A new state government was formed under the leadership of Shilu Ao, who became the first Chief Minister of Nagaland. The successful election was a resounding expression of people’s mandate for peace. Unfortunately the hostiles saw this as a slap on their face and expressed their frustration by stepping up violent activities.
Peace Mission and Cessation of Hostilities
The formation of a democratically elected government had raised the hopes of Nagas for peace. With the initiative of church leaders a Peace Mission consisting of Shri Jaiprakash Narayan, Bimla Prasad Chaliha, Shri Shankar Rao Deo23 and Rev Michael Scott was formed, which succeeded in bringing about a cease-fire with effect from September 6, 1964, applicable not only in Nagaland but also in the three sub divisions of Manipur, namely, Ukhrul, Mao, and Tamenglong. It was initially effective for a period of one month but later extended several times to enable the peace talks to continue.24
The formation of a democratically elected government had raised the hopes of Nagas for peace.
There were eight round of talks after the cessation of hostilities between the so-called Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) and the Indian delegation. The Indian delegation consisted of YD Gundevia, secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, Silu Ao, Chief Minister Nagaland, NC Santok, Deputy Secretary MEA and UN Sharma, Chief Secretary to the Government of Nagaland. The underground delegation was led by Zashie Hurie and included Issac Swu, the underground foreign secretary and Thinusillie, the self-styled Chief of the Underground Army. This was the first serious attempt to negotiate peace, which was held first at Chedema from September 1964 to January 1965 and then at Khensa from February to May 1965.
As the talks progressed, it became clear to Gundevia that the so-called FGN delegation had no authority to negotiate the essentials of the settlement. The Naga delegation was obsessed with protocol and was caught up in projecting the trappings and symbolism of being the representative of a make-believe sovereign state. There was also wide intellectual gap between the two sides.25 The underground delegation had lived in the jungles for a decade and had lost touch with the political forces, which had been set in motion by the creation of Nagaland as a separate state. The talks were a disaster except that the cease-fire continued to hold, which meant there were no clashes.
The Naga delegation was obsessed with protocol and was caught up in projecting the trappings and symbolism of being the representative of a make-believe sovereign state.
The Peace Mission made one last attempt to break the impasse by proposing that FGN could “of their own volition decide to participate in the Union of India and mutually settle the terms and conditions for that purpose. On its part the Government of India could consider to what extent the political structure between the governments of India and Nagaland should be adapted to meet their (Nagas) demand.” The Peace Mission made a prophetic observation that the “approach herein suggested is not only the fairest but also the only practical one in the given circumstances.”26 The Indian delegation welcomed the proposal but the underground scuttled it by submitting that the proposal had to be determined by a referendum.
In clear breach of the cease-fire agreement, the underground continued to coerce villages to pay taxes and forcibly recruit cadres and send them for training and procurement of arms to East Pakistan. When this was pointed out to them, they took the plea that the agreement did not prohibit movement of their cadres outside Nagaland and that the agreement prohibited smuggling of arms into Nagaland during the truce but did not prohibit receiving arms from a friendly country. As no arms had been smuggled into Nagaland, and were kept in sanctuaries in Myanmar territory, no violation had technically taken place.27 It is a good example of how the underground has consistently twisted facts to support its line of argument.
Role of Michael Scott
Michael Scott had served in India as domestic chaplain to the Bishop of Bombay between 1935-37, and chaplain of St Bishop Cathedral in Calcutta between 1937-39. The man was a veritable champion of underdogs. In 1960, he had helped Phizo to travel from Zurich to London on an irregular passport and helped him to obtain British citizenship. During the third Baptist Convention at Wokha, in February 1964, he was nominated by the church leaders to be a member of the Peace Mission. He was expected to represent the Naga case impartially. But all his actions were not only partisan but also hostile to the Indian Government.
The splinter group appointed Scato Swu as the Prime Minister, who had earlier resigned as the president of the FGN, and favoured peaceful solution of the Naga problem, continuance of the cease-fire and talks with the Government of India.
In April 1964, he came to Kohima with BP Chaliha who provided ten white jeeps to facilitate Scott to travel freely and meet Nagas including the underground. When he returned to Delhi from his visit to Kohima, Scott’s first act was to circulate a sheaf of papers accusing the Government of India and the Indian troops of foulest atrocities. Indian troops were accused of having butchered 34,000 men, women, and children in the Sema area alone whereas in the 1961 census, the total population of Semas was around 47000. The Indians were accused of the destruction of 79,794 houses. The total population of Nagaland and Tuensang in 1951 was 2,50,000 and it would be reasonable that total houses would be around 50-60,000 @ 5 person per house.28
Scott’s conduct at the negotiations, his public statements and the letters he drafted on behalf of the underground, were all unequivocally partisan and subjective. Dr Mankekar, the distinguished journalist, described Scott’s conduct “as passionately subjective and packed with defence counsel’s cynical tricks addressing a jury – a play upon emotions, suppressio veri, suggestio falsi, manipulation of facts, that straight away disqualified him for the role of a neutral arbitrator, which was bestowed on him by the two parties at the negotiations when he was appointed one of the three members of the Peace Mission.”29
Ministerial Talks
When the ongoing talks failed to produce any result, it was submitted by the underground delegation that the talks should now be held at ministerial level. Six round of talks between the underground led by Kughato Sukhai and the Prime Minister, Smt Indira Gandhi, were held in 1966-67, which resulted in a stalemate, as the underground refused to agree to any settlement within the Constitution of India. The underground lost a historic opportunity to find a lasting solution when they refused the offer of a settlement by Mrs Gandhi not within the framework of the constitution but within the framework of the Indian Union meaning thereby that the constitution could be amended to accommodate a settlement.30
The other development was the decision taken sometime in 1966 to send a group of Naga youths to China for training in guerrilla warfare.
As the ministerial talks progressed, Jaiprakash Narayan resigned from the Peace Mission due to intransigence of the underground leaders. Michael Scott was expelled from India as his attitude had become openly partisan and hostile. The Peace Mission, which had come into existence on 5 April, 1964 ceased to exist on May 7, 1966. A six-member Commission was later formed to investigate allegations of cease-fire violations.
Split in the Underground
At this stage two important developments took place that were to profoundly affect the underground struggle for independence. The first was the split in the underground and the second, the decision to seek Chinese help. The failure of peace talks heightened the differences in the approach to peace talks and the strategy to be adopted to find a political solution. While Kughato Sukhai, a Sema and brother of Kaito, was blamed for the failure of peace talks, Kaito was unhappy with the Angami leadership for sidelining him in the underground military hierarchy. Scato Swu resigned as the president of NNC and was replaced by Mhiasiu, who was close to Phizo. Mowu Angami was appointed the chief of the underground army, and Muivah was made the general secretary of the party. Angamis replaced the hegemony of Semas.
“¦they took the plea that the agreement did not prohibit movement of their cadres outside Nagaland and that the agreement prohibited smuggling of arms into Nagaland during the truce but did not prohibit receiving arms from a friendly country.
For opposing Phizoites, Kaito was brutally murdered in broad daylight in Kohima on August 31, 1968. He was accused of having links with the Indian Army. His followers formed the Revolutionary Government of Nagaland (RGN) on November 1, 1968 with a political wing called Council of Naga People. The RGN was led by Kughato Sukhai and self-styled General Zuehoto. The splinter group appointed Scato Swu as the Prime Minister, who had earlier resigned as the president of the FGN, and favoured peaceful solution of the Naga problem, continuance of the cease-fire and talks with the Government of India. The other development was the decision taken sometime in 1966 to send a group of Naga youths to China for training in guerrilla warfare. There were groups in the underground, which did not favour links with the Chinese. Even the church was not very comfortable with this development.
Capture of Mowu Angami
The first batch of 300 Nagas under Thinsuelie trekked 1000 km to reach Yunan in China in January 1967. The second batch of 500 Nagas was led by Mowu Angami in December 1967. This batch, which was on its way back to Nagaland after training, had no knowledge of the crisis that had overtaken the underground during its absence. The army captured a part of this group numbering 165 under Mowu Angami in March 1969 with their arms and documents, which confirmed their Chinese links. The capture of Mowu’s gang is still shrouded in conflicting explanations. The rival group accused Kaito’s men of betrayal and helping the army in capturing Mowu and his gang.
The crisis in the underground had repercussions in the overground politics. The Naga National Organisation (NNO) led by Hokishe Sema split over the relationship with the RGN. SC Jamir defected from the NNO and joined the splinter group, which had formed the United Democratic Front (UDF) considered pro underground. There was an attempt on the life of Hokishe Sema on August 8, 1972, when the convoy of vehicles in which he and his family were travelling was ambushed on Dimapur-Kohima road. Fortunately, Hokishe and his family survived, but the driver and two bodyguards were killed and Hokishe’s daughter was injured. The Government of India banned NNC and FGN and lifted the cease-fire on September 1, 1972. The RGN was dissolved on August 16, 1973 and 335 armed cadres of this group were absorbed into newly raised 111 and 112 Battalion of Border Security Force (BSF). Zuehoto became a battalion commander and Scato Swu later became a Member of Parliament.31
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