The Rajapaksa Model of Defeating Terror

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The Tiger’s Lair • Interveiw with President Mahinda Rajapaksa • Badulla Model: Forging a new Nationhood • Striking Oil 

1: The Tiger’s Lair

In the first week of August I drove from Colombo to Vavuniya air base in northern Sri Lanka accompanied by a military escort, a Major in the Sri Lankan Army (SLA). As soon as we reach the airbase we are directed towards the air movement office, a sparsely furnished room with minimal, old furniture. Couple of hours later we hear the unmistakable sound of the chopper approaching. Soon we are running towards the chopper. The urgency being sparked by the delay in the arrival of the chopper and the consequent restlessness amongst Task Force 8 officers at the destination point. I am told I am the first journalist to be taken to the areas where the top leadership of the LTTE was annihilated. President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government did not allow media access to the war zone during combat operations and continues to follow the same policy during the post war scenario. Security and personal safety reasons (from mines) and the ongoing arms recoveries in the LTTE held areas are proffered as reasons by the Rajapakse government to deny freedom of movement to journalists.

The Sri Lankan Air Force Mi-24 takes off, two door-gunners on either side keeping watch, as the bird flies low over the tree tops. We head east towards the Mullaitivu coast and  are soon over dense jungles. We fly over war ravaged villages, all of which were once LTTE held areas. It’s a 40 minutes flight we are told. I notice new jungle tracks being built by the SLA, new camps being set up in jungle clearings. The door-gunners keep a relentless vigil.

Half hour into our flight I am told of our eventual destination. “We are going to Puthukudiyiruppu,” I am told. It comes as a huge surprise to me because this is where between the 4th and 15th May the fiercest and the final battle took place between the SLA and the LTTE. As we approach the helipad, a grassy clearing, in the distance I spot some construction activity in the middle of a small lake. I am told that the Task Force 8 soldiers are building a war memorial to honour the SLA martyrs who died during combat operations against the LTTE.

The signs of war are visible everywhere. The impact of heavy aerial bombardment and artillery shelling to pulverize the LTTE is evident. Our army escorts reveal that the coastal town of Puthukudiyiruppu was the real power centre of the LTTE. This is where Vellupillai Prabhakaran and his aides lived. “Kilinochi was merely LTTE’s showpiece capital built with the help of Norweigians and funding from various donor organizations,” says an army officer.

Just short of the Task Force 8 we come across the Puthukudiyiruppu Hospital. Its destroyed edifice a reminder of the deadly battle fought few months ago. During the war the LTTE had released a video alleging that the Sri Lankan Army had deliberately bombed the hospital. We are informed by our army escorts that this hospital was targeted by the SLA and SL Air Force because the LTTE was using its premises and the patients as shields to direct heavy firing at the advancing Sri Lankan Army.

We drive ahead of Puthukudiyiruppu to the spot where the 30 year of war with the LTTE came to an end on May 18th. We are told that during the final phase of the battle LTTE’s top leadership was cornered at Vellamullivaikkal, a thin strip of coastal land on the Mullaitivu coast. This is where Prabhakaran and the top leadership of the LTTE were killed as they tried to break through the Sri Lankan Army’s forward defences. “Around 200 members of the ‘Rada Group’, the close protection squad of Prabhakaran, tried to cross the Nanthi Kadal (lagoon) and break through the forward defence lines of the Sri Lankan Army. Their intention was to escape into the Mullaitivu jungles. But we held our ground and killed all of them in the intense firefight,” says our army escort.

We are introduced to Brigadier Ravipriya, commander of Task Force 8 and one of Sri Lanka’s war heroes. Task Force 8 played a crucial role in bottling up the top leadership of the LTTE in a tiny coastal sliver at Vellamullivaikkal. The young officers of Task Force 8 show us photographs of LTTE weapon recoveries. We are also shown a select display of sophisticated weapon systems procured by the LTTE. Many exclusive pictures of weapon recoveries are being published exclusively in this issue of the Indian Defence Review.

The LTTE procured an array of lethal weapons – AK-47s, M81s and Thermo-Baric weapons. They indigenously manufactured artillery guns. I spotted an indigenously designed grenade launcher fabricated on a Chinese assault gun. And even explosive strapped under-garments for suicide bombers!

Brigadier Ravipriya disclosed that the Sri Lankan Army has evidence of international NGOs providing technical know-how to the LTTE to set up weapons manufacturing facilities. In fact, President Mahinda Rajapaksa has also hinted at this (see Interview). After the Tsunami nearly 3,000 international NGOs registered themselves in Colombo to provide disaster relief in LTTE held areas. In fact, senior officers alleged that several hundred containers which arrived at Colombo Port were dispatched to LTTE held areas without even cursory checks. The belief in Colombo is that the Tamil Diaspora used international NGOs to channelize funds and arms transfers.

President Rajapaksa’s advisors say that there is evidence to show that the LTTE used the post-Tsunami aid that poured into areas controlled by it for arms procurement. The Sri Lankan government claims that there is evidence to show that from 2005 till the war began in 2007, some NGOs were actually involved in arming the LTTE. In the post-Tsunami period in 2005 the LTTE is believed to have used international aid to bring in experts and technical know-how to indigenously fabricate, assemble and manufacture weapons.

The LTTE was able to procure several weapon systems, including Chinese made anti-aircraft guns. These anti-aircraft guns used 60mm bullets and were used with deadly effect in the initial phases of Eelam IV.

Three fighter planes of the Sri Lankan Air Force were shot down by the LTTE during the war. I saw at least three mini-submarines of the LTTE recovered by the army after a revelation by a diver attached to the Sea Tiger wing. In fact, I even climbed into one of the mini-subs used by the Sea Tiger chief, Soosai. These mini-subs ran on diesel engines and would operate just below the sea surface. A small wind pipe would ensure that the mini-sub pilot got enough air to breathe. I also saw a Russian made Torpedo procured from the international arms market by the LTTE. Again, this recovery was made based on information provided by LTTE cadres currently in the Army’s custody. If there is any doubt still about the fabricating and manufacturing capability that LTTE possessed, one just has to see the indigenously designed 120mm artillery guns that the LTTE produced. It is a strange contraption and from far looks like a telescope, but I was told that it was a very effective piece of weaponry.

Despite the end of the war in the summer of 2009 the Sri Lankan armed forces continue to search for LTTE weapon stockpiles. Almost every other day the Lankan army unearths explosives buried in the ground by fleeing LTTE cadres. The army is scouring jungles looking for weapon stockpiles buried by the LTTE. The continuous unearthing of stocks of arms and ammunition is preventing early resettlement of the internally displaced Tamil civilians. But President Rajapaksa has assured the international community in August to begin the resettlement process within 180 days or six months.

But the armed forces are concerned about resettling civilians in the war ravaged town of Puthukudiyiruppu and other areas once held by the LTTE. “All the LTTE sympathizers and cadres haven’t been weeded out yet. And we haven’t been able to secure the entire area earlier held by the LTTE. Weapon recoveries continue to happen and there is a concern that remnant LTTE cadres might restart terrorist activities if they recover the weapons buried in the ground.

The army is continuing with their extensive operations to weed out LTTE cadres out of the nearly 300,000 internally displaced people who fled from the war zone and are now living in the Menik Farm IDP camps. The army believes that as the civilians escaped from LTTE held areas, hundreds of LTTE cadres buried their arms and ammunition and fled to government controlled areas. The recovery of LTTE manufactured mini-submarines off the coast of Mullaitivu would have been virtually impossible if not for this screening process and the interrogation of the nearly 20,000 LTTE cadres apprehended in the IDP camps.

The Sri Lankan government and army firmly believe that the entire international network of the LTTE is yet to be uncovered. The fact that Tamil Tigers could purchase so much lethal weaponry from international arms networks and transport it through the sea to areas controlled by it has stunned the Sri Lankan political and military establishment. President Rajapaksa believes that “Prabhakaran had a bigger plan”. The massive international aid that was provided to the LTTE in the post-Tsunami enabled Prabhakaran to dream big. He developed Kilinochi as the capital of LTTE held areas with all the trappings of a civil administration. He believed he was heading a de facto state. Perhaps, he began to think of his guerilla force as a regular army. The top echelons of the Lankan government believes that he had begun nurturing an ambition to become a “Dravidian Emperor”.

I was escorted by army officers to a LTTE weapons factory located amidst a residential area in Puthukudiyiruppu. This factory produced mortars and other items like walking sticks for LTTE cadres injured during combat operations with the Sri Lankan army. I saw hi-tech lathe machines powered by high end generators that were brought in by international NGOs as part of Tsunami relief in 2005. As I bid goodbyes to the army officers, I couldn’t help think of so many unanswered questions. Why did the LTTE procure so much sophisticated weaponry? Why didn’t they use all their weapons in the war? Who gave them the technical know-how to design and manufacture weapons?

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Letter to Internally Displaced Tamils

My Dear Citizen,

I write to you at an important time when you are on the threshold of a new beginning in life.  You are today being moved to the familiar surroundings of your former home, or very close to it.

I am aware that the sufferings your family have undergone are many, and for very long too. These hardships were imposed on you and all other Tamil citizens who have suffered alike, by a ruthless organization that was committed to terror to achieve its narrow objectives, for which the Tamil people were made unwilling pawns. They claimed to be the liberators of the noble Tamil community. As their strategies began to fail, you were herded from place to place, and denied the food, medicine and other essentials that were sent for you. Your children, and even the elders among you, were compelled to carry arms for these forces of terror.

I fully understand that this was not the aspiration of the Tamil people of our country. Finally, you were made displaced persons in your own motherland, after holding you as human shields and hostages for the safety of those who shed so much blood of your own people. Your innocence in all this is recognized today.

That period of immense tragedy is now over, as are the temporary hardships you faced as internally displaced persons. You are moving on to a new life, in the company of family and friends. You will find new and welcome challenges of the future. My Government has done much to make your new life most acceptable to you, providing the needs for a quality of life to enhance your dignity as a person.

The most cherished asset you have today are your children, who you have sheltered as best as your could. This is the time to ensure that your children are guided by you to benefit from the new facilities that are being provided for them and ensure that they are never again allowed to be misled by false prophets or saviours. Together you can build a new life and look to benefit from the many opportunities that will be available in the tranquility of peace and friendship.

I wish you and your family every success and the choicest blessings for the future, with your dreams of success coming true, when we can all live together as members of a single family in our motherland.

Yours Sincerely

2: Indian Defence Review Interview

President Mahinda Rajapaksa spoke to VK Shashikumar of the Indian Defence Review on a range of issues on August 7, 2009, in an exclusive interview.

The Rajapaksa Model of combating terror, first revealed in the Indian Defence Review, is now being discussed at international strategic affairs forums. How do you plan to engage with other countries in taking this process forward?

I won’t be able to do it alone. The international community must help us. I think it is the responsibility of each country. All governments must get together because terrorism is not only a problem for Sri Lanka, it’s a problem for the whole world. I think terrorism is being financed through drug-money and (illegal) arms dealings. So we must break this (nexus). The arms and drug dealers should be tackled before you tackle the terrorists. That’s what we realized in our successful battle against the LTTE.

What’s your most important priority?

The most important thing at the moment is to see that the Internally Displaced People are resettled in this country. For the last 30 years we have not seen any development in the north and the east. We plan to provide them with the basic needs, infrastructure development and resettle these people. Once the resettlement process is completed our focus will move towards rapid economic development.

What about reconciliation?

Reconciliation is something which can be done through development. Without development I don’t think you can achieve anything. So the most important thing at the moment is to resettle these people after de-mining the place. But we must give them basic needs like water, electricity, shelter and roads. These are the most important things and we want to concentrate on that now.

Do you believe devolution is the solution?

In our constitution we have devolution. How much are we going to give them (Tamils) is the question and that can be done. It won’t be a problem. We are used to this. We have municipal councils, provincial councils, and local governance like gram rajyas. All of this is in the constitution. So, we want to implement the constitution and then see what more we can give them in case they (Tamils) want.80 percent of the (Tamil) people are living here in the south with the Sinhalese people.

You are keen to forge a new Sri Lankan national identity, a new nationhood…?

I’ve said no minorities hereafter. We have people who love the country and the others who don’t. Those who are not in favour….

Out of the roughly 9 percent Tamil population in Sri Lanka merely 2.8 are resident in the north. Do you think the LTTE in the final analysis was supported by a fraction of the Tamil population in the island?

What has happened in this country is mainly the creation of politicians. They are the people who want this (Tamil-Sinhalese conflict) not the people. The Tamil community doesn’t want this. But the politicians want this for their survival, for their party’s survival. This is our problem. We must find what the people want. People want to live in mixed communities. I have relations in Jaffna among the Tamils, I have Muslim relations. Ours has been a mixed society. If you travelled here in Colombo or go to Kandy or anywhere for that matter you would find all these people attending funerals, weddings, functions. They are not saying that because you are a Tamil don’t come here.

Wasn’t the 13th Amendment a device to bring in LTTE into the political mainstream. Now that the LTTE has been eliminated and defeated in the war do you think the 13th Amendment is relevant anymore?

My problem is the 13th Amendment is there at the moment so whether it is relevant or irrelevant, at the moment we are practicing it. In a way you are right, but at the moment we need a solution, we need something to settle this problem. The earlier governments, whether it is Ranil’s or Chandrika’s, wanted to negotiate with this man (Vellupillai Prabhakaran). And they found the 13th Amendment a suitable tool to engage in negotiations with him. Though Prabhakaran signed it, he had suddenly changed his mind. Even I have tried to negotiate with him. We tried to do that for seven months. Finally, when they closed the door,s then I had to take this step (i.e., begin military operations, Eelam IV).

Would you like to abrogate the 13th Amendment?

Yes. But this (the 13th Amendment) is accepted by the people and we have to respect that. The 13th Amendment is now fully in operation. We have provincial councils. In the eastern province also I organized elections. So when there is something that is practiced and the people are accepting it then I think, my duty is to respect that.

So what is this 13th Amendment Plus that you talk about?

It all depends on the people. When they are free of fear, and if they can have the democratic rights of moving without any difficulty, people may come here and stay here in Colombo and some people can go and stay in Jaffna. Three decades ago in Jaffna and Killinochi we had a Sinhalese and Muslim population. They did business there, they lived there. But after the LTTE took over, they were chased out. Muslims were chased out. Some came to Putlam and others were in the IDP camps and at that time no one bothered about it. The West was silent. They never saw these camps for 18 years? But the Sinhalese refused to be in camps and stayed with their relatives. They kept them, gave them food. This is what happened (thirty years ago). Earlier in some government offices there were no Tamils and in some areas like in Trincomalee and Batticaloa there were no Sinhalese officers. So the Sinhalese could not communicate. There was a problem and we have to look into all this and settle it…

Would you announce a new national policy on language?

We don’t have to introduce a new national policy. Tamil and Sinhalese are official languages with English being the link language. We are at the moment paying the Tamil government servants Sri Lankan Rupees 25,000 for learning Sinhalese and vice versa.

Will the 13th Amendment plus reflect some radical constitutional provisions?

 We are going to introduce a special chamber. We want to share power with minorities and the provinces. The second chamber might be an elected house of representatives from the provinces. We haven’t yet discussed this with the people but there are proposals like that we want to discuss with all the political parties. Federalism is out in Sri Lanka. We are not talking about federalism now, it must be a solution that comes from the people, we must get together – the Tamil, the Muslim, the Singhalese intellectuals get together and give me a solution, I am ready to accept it. If somebody comes and tells me to follow what is happening in some other country I will not be able to follow it.

Do you believe that a home grown reconciliation model is possible in post-war Sri Lanka?

It must be a home-grown solution. We can’t copy something from outside. Not from Western countries certainly or not even from neighboring countries. We can study all this, but it must be a home-grown solution; a solution that comes from the people that can be accepted by all the people and all the communities.

Your government has been saying in off the record briefings to foreign diplomats that some international NGOs might have or could have collaborated with the LTTE and helped it to procure several powerful weapon systems…?

I do not want to come out with names, but there are incidents when some of the NGOs had asked to go there (the former LTTE controlled territories) and got permission to go there and finally we know that they got involved. Some engineers, technicians, etc. Otherwise they (LTTE) could not have achieved what they achieved. Some of the NGOs have done their part, but most haven’t. Our records show that nearly 3000 NGOs had registered with the government. They collected money from the people. All this money that was collected for tsunami or for some other reasons was the money given by people across the world to develop Sri Lanka. But we believe a lot of it went to the LTTE.

Could you spell out the parameters of the economic reconstruction that your government is proposing to undertake in the north?

First thing, we have to give them (Tamils) infrastructure development. Then we have invited the private sector to get involved and to start the development work.

Who helped the LTTE to accumulate so much lethal weaponry?

I think that without any support from some of the countries they couldn’t have brought all these weapons. So we want to find out how they managed to get all this, get the green light to ship them from various countries. I think the underworld must have been involved with all this. We know that they got millions and millions of rupees to buy all these weapons.

Who gave the LTTE so much money?

Whether it was the diaspora or from any other source…

Do you think that with the kind of weaponry Prabhakaran had accumulated he might have been nurturing a larger plan?

I think so. He had a larger dream. Sri Lanka was not his dream or the North was not his dream. He had a larger vision where he wanted to be a king, a Dravidian emperor. Otherwise to fight a guerrilla fight or to fight with our army I don’t think he needed so much weaponry. He had some sympathizers in South India.

So his idea was beyond Sri Lanka…

Yes, it was beyond Sri Lanka.

Colombo’s close relations or ties that are developing with Beijing, what do you have to say to that?

Whether it is China or India or Pakistan or America or Europe, we will take help from anyone who can assist in developing our country. The most important thing is to develop the country and from where else could you get the money to develop this country? Can I go to Europe and ask from them? Can they afford to give us? Who runs the American economy?

What is your vision for a post-war Sri Lanka?

It is the collective responsibility of all of us… It doesn’t matter if it’s a Rajapaksa Model or a Bush Model. Fact is let us have model (that we can follow). Let’s defeat terrorism. Eliminate terrorism from this world, this is what we must do.

3: Badulla Model: Forging a new Nationhood

No Federalism

At the President’s Secretariat in Colombo, policy advisors are constantly discussing a model template for Sri Lanka’s National Solution. This template has been christened as the “Badulla Model”. Badulla is a town in upcountry Sri Lanka, in Uva province, where the three major communities-Buddhists (Sinhalese), Tamils and Muslims-have lived in harmony. The Sri Lankan government is keen to forge a new, unified national identity. So a federal solution is seen as inimical to forging a new nationhood. It is necessary to take into account the vehement opposition to a federal solution before delineating the salient features of the “Badulla Model” of national reconciliation.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa has ruled out a federal solution. “Federalism is out in Sri Lanka. We are not talking about federalism now, it must be a solution that comes from the people, we must get together; if the Tamils, the Muslims, the Singhalese intellectuals get together and give me a solution I am ready to accept it.” The Sri Lankan government admits that neither federalism nor devolution of powers to Tamil majority areas are appropriate solutions for satisfying the political aspirations of Tamils. Nimal Siripala De Silva, Minister of Health Care and Nutrition, and a close associate of President Rajapaksa has been an active participant in closed door discussions on assimilating three distinct sub-national identities into one national identity. “The word federal does not have a favourable resonance (in Sri Lanka). I must say that it does not favour any society. When you use the word federal people are suspicious. Don’t label the solution whether it is federal or quasi-federal or whatever it is. So let us arrive at a solution that would earn the respect of all communities. So the moment you use the word federal we will not be able to give anything.  So that is the mental framework of people in this country,” says Silva.

Sri Lankan politicians have even ruled out devolution of powers to Tamils in areas that were earlier controlled by the LTTE. Instead of devolving powers in accordance with the 13th Amendment of 1989, the government wants to replicate the success in the Eastern province, where elections were held after the army liberated the area from LTTE control. “For example, Pillayan who was a street fighter was made through democratic processes the Chief Minister of the Eastern province. Same as Karuna who was the number two leader in LTTE. He was brought into the democratic process. What we envisage in the next future elections is that the Tamils, Muslims and Sinhala people will have a chance to elect democratically their leaders and so then there will be a true representation of aspiration of the people living in the country. So the next parliament will be a parliament which could debate and engage in useful dialogue with regard to national integration,” says Silva. His deputy, upcountry Tamil politician Vadivel Suresh, popular amongst the tea plantation Tamil workers told this author: “The President has already decided the political solution, which is already introduced in the East. Now, North is having municipal election. We are Indian origin upcountry Tamils and we are enjoying all the rights. We are having free education and health. Take me as an example. I am a minister in the government. Now everything is OK.”

Suresh looks like a typical politician from southern India. Attired in a blue shirt and white lungi with a red tikka on his foreheard he is one amongst several Sri Lankan Tamil politicians supporting President Rajapaksa’s “homegrown” solution to what is described as the ‘National Question’, which is broadly refers to an exploration of how Tamils and other minorities be integrated into the national mainstream. Arumugan Thondaman, a prominent Tamil politician who holds the cabinet post as Socio Economic Development Minister says the priority is to resettle the 300,000 internally displaced Tamils in the north. “We have to give a solution to those people who are affected.  As far as we are concerned we have been living amongst the majority Sinhala community and we have achieved whatever we wanted, even though not fully, but to a great extent. In the same way we have to give a solution to those (Tamils in the north) people. The President is very keen to do it. Only thing is the time because the resettlement has to take place. Once all those things are done things will fall in place.” Silva, a Sinhalese politician echoes Thondaman’s view: “What is more needed is the understanding to embark upon a vibrant programme of economic and infrastructure development. Once these things are there, the rest will fall in place. So even if you have devolve power to whatever extent, but if there is no infrastructure development, creation of jobs, healthcare and improving the lifestyle of people and education….devolution would be meaningless. That is why the emphasis on economic development.”

The Sri Lankan government strongly believes that federalism is not the appropriate solution to address the ‘National Question’. Even devolution of powers has become highly contentious. Instead, says the government, the best way forward is for the all ethnicities to live in harmony in a unified and integrated Sri Lanka. The best place where this concept of living in harmony is exemplified in Sri Lanka is the quiet, upcountry town of Badulla. This town will soon become internationally renowned for lending its name to President Rajapaksa’s model of securing peace and national reconciliation.

The Badulla Model

President Rajapaksa Model of ‘Defeating Terror, Securing Peace and National Reconciliation’ has two distinct part or phases. Both these parts are seamless conjoined. Success in ‘defeating terror’ must necessarily be followed up by success in ’securing peace and national reconciliation’. Failure in one leads to concurrent failure in the other part. Indeed failure in one might deepen and exacerbate multiple failures in so far as ’securing peace and national reconciliation’ are concerned’. But it is the last element in the list of variables that President Rajapaksa model addresses that is the most vital. Success in ‘defeating terror’ must not (emphasis added) be followed by a failure in ’securing peace and national reconciliation’. Such a situation might create all such conditions (alienation, political disempowerment and so on) that could again be exploited by anti-national interests to renew national destabilization campaigns.

The ‘Rajapaksa Model of Defeating Terror’ is based on a set of principles-unwavering political will; ensuring international opinion does not come in the way of militarily defeating terror; no negotiations with the forces of terror; unidirectional flow of conflict information; ensuring a buffer between national politics and military action to ensure absence of political intervention, thereby empowering the military to finish its task of defeating terror and eliminating the terrorist leadership; empowering and promoting young commanders; and keeping neighbours in the loop. The outlines of the second part of this model, essentially the ‘Rajapaksa Model of Securing Peace and National Reconciliation’ are encapsulated in these voices:

Nimal Siripala De Silva, minister of health care and nutrition

    “What Prabhakaran did, what the LTTE did, they separated the community. They chased out all the Singhala and Muslim people living in Jaffna. So how could there be national integration. They were looking for one rule, I mean a dictatorial state. If you take my constituency, the Badulla district and look at the voters’ representation-125,000 Tamil voters; 40,000 Muslim voters and 380,000 Singhala voters. So we are electing members from all three communities. Another thing is that we haven’t had communal clashes here. We are living like brothers and sisters of the same family. So this is a good example.”

Prasanna Ranatunga, Chief Minister, Western Province said: “In Badulla district all nationalities-Sinhala, Muslims and Tamils-all people living together with peace.” In fact, Prasanna (brother of famous Sri Lankan cricketer Arjuna Ranatunga), recently won the Western provincial elections, the first election after the end of war (Eelam IV). “This is the first elections after we finished the war in the north and the east, so people are very concerned about this election. If we win, it will be seen as a clear signal of support for Rajapaksa’s peace plan,” says Prasanna. “We are Sri Lankans. We live together in Badulla, in Uva, Western province, Southern province. Except for North and East, people live together without any problems. Actually I am married to a Tamil girl. So there is no Tamil-Singhalese (divide). What LTTE did was terrorism. They killed their own people. LTTE was against Tamils and Singhalese people. They were against our unity. Now we are living in peaceful harmony. This is a country where we live together. But terrorism made the differences.”

Looking back it’s now crystal clear why President Rajapakse addressed his first peace rally in Badulla. This town has a history of communal harmony. Here Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese have lived in harmony despite the three decades of war. On August 5th, 2009 when President Rajapaksa addressed his first election rally after the end of the war, it was meant to be a symbolic reassertion of his government’s conviction. That this town contains the kernel for a peace solution that Sri Lanka is looking for-a unified, integrated Sri Lanka. This sentiment is echoed by the residents of Badulla as well. “Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese are citizens of this country. We are all Sri Lankans and together we will develop our country,” says Bandula Priya. “There was war for 30 years and now it’s over. It’s time for economic development and freedom to travel from South to the North. We can live anywhere, move freely and stay together as a nation,” says Chandrasiri Dissanayake, another Sinhalese resident of this town in the Sri Lankan highlands.

Therefore, as a natural corollary of the ‘Rajapaksa Model of Securing Peace and National Reconciliation’ the movement towards arriving at a homegrown solution must be accompanied by a national willingness to keep international peaceniks at bay. It must be demonstrated by the firm resolve of the government to keep foreign countries, international organizations, trans-national peace organizations and International NGOs (I-NGOs) at bay. Suggestions and assistance, financial or otherwise, offered by international actors could be solicited. But, the homegrown solution must mandatorily be accompanied by a firm national policy and political resolve to address the issues of conflict related displacement of civilians and their rehabilitation as well as resettlement of civilians. These conclusions have been inferred by Lankan government on the basis of the involvement and responses of various international actors in the Sri Lankan conflict.

Resettlement of IDPs

One of the reasons that explains the delay in resettling the IDPs is the Lankan government’s concern of the Tamil Diaspora and International NGOs (I-NGOs) re-igniting a terror movement. The government claims there is evidence to prove the direct involvement of I-NGOs of providing military supplies. For instance, the government claims that there is evidence to show that a well known international child rights organisation provided bullet proof jackets to the LTTE child soldiers. “We are not allowing the UN to come in because of fears that UN and I-NGOs will provide support to unidentified remnant LTTE cadres passing off as IDPs to escape the relief camps. But this is something that we cannot talk about openly. But there is evidence of I-NGOs supporting and helping the LTTE,” says a senior administration official within the Presidential Secretariat. “Our experience and the evidence we have unearthed clearly suggests that governments that are currently facing internal conflicts must seriously examine and investigate the role of I-NGOs that are operating in the host countries.”

The government is now speeding up the resettlement process. In fact, President Rajapaksa addressed each Tamil civilian fortunate to move out of the relief camp and return home through a letter. The content of the letter clearly suggests that the second part of the ‘Rajapaka Model of Defeating Terror, Securing Peace and National Reconciliation’ has been flagged off.

The former strongholds of the LTTE – Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi Districts – are among the areas in which the internally displaced Tamils of Northern Sri Lanka will be resettled under the government’s current IDP resettlement programme.  Kilinochchi was the administrative center LTTE in what it claimed to be the separate state of Eelam. Mullaitivu was the military stronghold of the LTTE for many years, from which it directed most operations against the security forces. This was also the Headquarters of its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran. The resettlement of a total 41,685 persons from 12,095 families will take place in the current phase of resettlement which began on October. 22. The current phase of resettlement will see displaced persons going to the Districts of Vavuniya, Mannar, Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi. Of these Oddusudan, Manthai East and Thunukkai in Mullaitivu District, and Karachchi and Poonakary in the Kilinochchi District were heavily damaged during the war.

According to the government “more than 15,900 of the IDPs which included the elderly and pregnant women have been re-united with their families, according to their wish, and also the elderly who have no family sent to institutional care. All children who have no family care are resettled under foster care through courts of Sri Lanka. The completion of the current resettlement would leave 210,138 IDPs in relief centers whose resettlement is also planned for early implementation.”

According to the government the “next stage of resettlement will commence no sooner the required areas are completely cleared of landmines and after representatives of the IDPs to be resettled, visit such locations and agree to re-locate to such places. It is emphasized that all re-locations are carried out on the voluntary agreement of the persons to be re-located.”

4: Striking Oil 

With the end of three decades of conflict, Sri Lanka’s oil sector is poised for a boom. The Mannar Basin off the island nation’s western coast contains one billion barrels of oil. Eight blocks in the Mannar Basin have been marked for off-shore exploration.  Sri Lanka has offered a block each to China and India for oil exploration. The government is in talks with China National Offshore Oil Corp, China’s largest offshore oil company. The global arm of India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, OVL Ltd, paid $1 million to Norwegian seismic survey group, TGS NOPE, for acquiring data in the Mannar Offshore Basin in Sri Lanka. But Sri Lanka’s Petroleum Minister, Abdul Hamid Fouzie, revealed that to the author that India has rejected the offer made by Sri Lanka. “In fact, being a good friend of ours, a neighbor of ours, we offered them a block without any tender. Unfortunately, they have not taken it yet. We are still negotiating to see if they don’t like the bed we have given they can even ask for another block and start doing exploration.”

Fouzie is surprised by India’s refusal to take up Sri Lanka’s offer for oil exploration in the Mannar Basin. The Mannar Basin located between Western Sri Lanka and India’s coastline in water depths ranging from 50 metres to more than 3,000 metres contains one billion barrels of oil. For three decades the frequent clashes between the Sri Lankan Navy and Sea Tigers, the naval wing of LTTE, off the Mannar coast prevented any oil exploration effort.  Now with the annihilation of the LTTE, international oil companies are keen to invest in the country’s fledgling, but promising oil industry. “Oil sector will develop the economy of this country. We have oil all over Sri Lanka. We have only studied the Mannar Basin. We have spent 10.5 billion USD to get data, seismic study. The study was done by TGS Nope. There is hydrocarbon deposit in that area. Recently we made another study in the southern province. There also we found oil. We have given one block to Cairn India to do the exploration (off Mannar). They are working according to schedule and Insallah very soon we will begin extracting oil. And once oil is taken country need not depend on anybody. We will have our own money, our own dollars. We will be one of the richest countries in Asia.”

The Lankan government believes that the island nation of 19 million people is poised for rapid economic growth fuelled in large measure by the promising oil sector. According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, the country is completely dependent on oil imports-15 million barrels each of crude and oil products annually. The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce says “the oil and gas industry has the potential to change the destiny of Sri Lanka.” So the expectation in Colombo’s power circles is that when Sri Lanka starts producing oil its 32.4 billion USD economy (2007 GDP) will jump to stratospheric levels. Currently, the nation’s petroleum purchases account for about 20 percent of its imports. Interestingly, despite the US and European criticism of the Lankan Army’s alleged human rights abuses the Western world is keenly observing developments in the Lankan oil sector. In November 2008 US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Robert O’Blake, signed an agreement of a non-repayable grant of US$474,000 to the Sri Lankan ministry of Finance and Planning to “to develop a comprehensive oil and gas regulatory system and establish an organizational structure for the regulatory authority.” Why is the US interested in establishing “an open and transparent regulatory system”? Here’s Blake pithy response:  “It protects Sri Lanka’s interests and gives investors confidence that they can earn a worthwhile return on their investment.”

Indian Oil Company (IOC) is the second largest player in the oil distribution business in Sri Lanka. Lanka IOC or LIOC (IOC’s subsidiary in Sri Lanka) imports markets petroleum and other oil products through its own retail outlets. Ceylon Petroleum Terminals Ltd (CPSTL), jointly owned by Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CEYPETCO) and LIOC, operate the two main petroleum storage facilities. With the defeat of LTTE the oil and gas industry has the potential to change Sri Lanka’s destiny generating revenue and creating jobs.

Sri Lanka has offered the global arm of India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, OVL Ltd, an exploration area of 6,000 sq km. But the Indian government has refused to accept this oil block for exploration. According to Fouzie “in the very beginning they (India) asked for Block No. 2 but we gave them Block No. 1 because we had already called for tenders for Blocks 2, 3 and 4. Therefore, we could not give them Block 2. Now they can ask for any other block, but not Block 2 which has already been given to Cairn India.” So it’s surprising why New Delhi is staying away from taking the first mover advantage that Colombo is offering on a platter.

VK Shashikumar is the Editor, News and Programming, NewsX.