Indian Defence Review

In July 2017, then Defence Minister Arun Jaitley had delegated substantial financial powers to the Armed Forces for undertaking works for perimeter security of sensitive military installations. News reports indicated this would give power to the three Vice Chiefs to spend ‘at least’ Rs 800 cr annually for strengthening security of the ‘sensitive’ bases; Vice Chiefs empowered to procure equipment and carry out works without seeking approval of the MoD. This looked good, so naturally termed it a significant jump, adding that the Defence Minister had also fixed “tight timelines” to ensure that the works are undertaken “on priority and in a time-bound manner” to ensure full security of our crucial defence assets.

The media did not highlight that the then Defence Minister as a permanent Finance Minister had been making annual defence allocations to the Armed Forces that were ‘negative’ in actual terms right from 2014 – practice that is continuing to date.

It may be recalled that post the terrorist attack on the IAF base on January 2, 2016, the MoD had appointed a committee headed by Lt Gen Phillip Campose, then Vice Chief of Army Staff,  to review the security set-up for the military bases and suggest ways to improve it. This Committee submitted its report in May same year (2016) to then Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, main observation / recommendations of the report being: paucity of funds main reason for not having effective access-control, perimeter security-cum-intrusion detection systems and better Intelligence response mechanisms (Armed Forces had reportedly sought more than Rs 2,000 crore for strengthening perimeter security of their sensitive bases.

There are more than 3,000 such installations, including 600 identified as sensitive by the three Services after the Pathankot airbase attack; raising a special unit of 20,000 retired, physically fit soldiers for guarding defence installations as part of Defence Service Corps (DSC) that guards defence establishments all over India; provision of better version of AK-47 rifles instead of 7.62 SLR rifles by DSC teams, as also fast mobility vehicles, bulletproof jackets and night vision devices for this DSSC force.

Jaitley ordered the delegation of “substantial financial powers” to the Vice Chiefs full 14 months after the Philipp Campose Committee submitted its report to Parrikar in May 2016. There was no follow up to the recommendation of raising and equipping the special DSSC unit, even as scores of CAPF units continue to be sanctioned by MHA.

Meanwhile Pakistan-sponsored terrorist attacks continued unabated. Finally after the ISI-backed JeM terrorist attack at Sunjwan Army Camp on February 10, 2018, MoD approved expenditure of Rs 1,487 to boost security of Army camps – possibly due to the flak MoD faced on social media and after Defence Minister spoke to Prime Minister Modi on a visit abroad.

This was seven months after Jaitley announced substantial delegation of financial powers to Vice Chiefs and 21 months after the Phillip Campose Committee submitted its report to Parrikar. Had terrorists not struck Sunjwan, okaying expenditure for perimeter defence may not have come through. But the beauty still was that no separate allotment was made for this purpose.

Based on inputs from Army, the Parliament’s Standing Committee through its 41st report recently slammed the government for insufficient defence allocations, including: catering to 125 on-going schemes, emergency procurements, 10-days intense fighting ammo and other DGOF requirements; revenue allocation consumed in 7th CPC implementation; balance doesn’t even cater for inflation – adversely affecting routine maintenance, emergency procurements and ammunition for war; additional burden of Rs 5,000 cr on account GST not catered; some on-going schemes may have to be foreclosed and no money for 23 new schemes; MoD delegated financial powers to VCOAS and sanctioned Rs 1487 cr  for beefing security of camps and posts but no separate budget allotted; even with reprioritizing total shortfall Rs 21,578 cr. Incidentally, the GST rates imposed in India are the second highest in the world.

But above is just half the story of the problems that the Armed Forces are facing with respect to security of camps and installations. Take the recently attacked army camp at Sunjwan (see the above photos).

Three storey buildings are right next to the boundary wall providing observation over the complete garrison inside and fresh constructions are in full swing. One high building blocks the view of the sentry tower itself. Illegal bastis have been allowed next to the boundary wall. Even a gate has been erected joining the boundary wall of the camp and a civilian building. This is not the usual story elsewhere in the country where the local mafia in concurrence with polity and administration given bribes allow such construction, eventually make it a fate accompli and regularize it eventually.

What is happening in J&K is the political writ for radicalization, assisting terrorism and in the case of Jammu, preparing for demographic invasion in the long run – akin to the Valley. It is all very well for the Home Minister to say at the CNN News 18 Rising India Summit “we not only secure India within but can also cross the border to protect the country, if needed. No one should take it otherwise” but how are we securing India within, situation around Sunjwan army camp being just one example and in this case the PDP being fully complicit? Is the Centre going to wait till boards like ‘ISI Guest House’ are put upon these buildings or is the action going to be of filing a namesake petition in court that will linger for years?

It is well known that during the UPA II regime some 4000 Rohingya’s were colonized in Jammu despite Article 370 under garb of UNHCR. This was despite the fact that India was neither signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention nor its 1967 Protocol, even though India continues to host large population of refugees. The fact that Rohingyas were placed in Jammu despite Article 370 in connivance the J&K Government (who did not object) itself stinks.

And some irony PC Chidambaram who orchestrated this as then Home Minister today heads Parliament’s Standing Committee on Internal Security instead of being held responsible. Presently in Jammu region there are 734 Rohingyas settled near police lines in Channi Himmat, 206 near Army station in Sunjwan (which was attacked), 40 near HQ 16 Corps at Nagrota, while graveyards are also being used to settle them.

In October 2015, then J&K CM Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, had stated that in 2010, Rohingyas living in different parts of Jammu City and around it and other places numbered  5,107. But, CM Mehbooba Mufti told the State Assembly in June 2016 that 13,400 Rohingyas are living in camps in Jammu. Presently the distribution of Rohingyas in J&K is Jammu City and around 5086, Jammu’s Samba district – 634 and Ladakh – 7664. Obviously, their number is being pushed up surreptitiously.

27 Rohingya families and 198 Rohingyas in Jammu Tehsil have mobile numbers, which cannot be obtained without valid documents like Aadhaar. Obviously such fake documents ore being supported by the state authorities who are providing them mobile SIM cards. In fact, many Rohingyas have acquired Aadhaar Cards since it is only proof of identity, not citizenship.

The J&K Government is fully complicit in the ongoing radicalization program, including through education in schools in the Valley. This is what J&K Finance Minister Haseeb Darbu was hinting at when pointing to a “social problem”, which led Mehbooba to dismiss him without even meeting him.

Now, Muhammad Rafi Mir, PDP’s spokesperson has cautioned against “communalising” stay of Rohingya Muslims in Jammu saying these refugees are “protected under international laws” to which government of India is a signatory. He might as well clarify who is the signatory because India is not – is it Chidambaram who signed it quietly on behalf of India without the Centre knowing it, just like Krishna Menon as High Commissioner in UK signed a contract for supply of jeeps to India Army without reference to Government of India, leading to the ‘Jeep Scandal’ first feather in MoD cap?

In November 2016, media reported MoD having issued instructions for buffer zones for construction around Army establishments brought down to 10m in 342 defence establishments of which 16 were in Maharashtra; security restrictions in 193 defence establishments brought down to 10m buffer where construction will be allowed after No Objection Certificate (NOC) from the Army. The previous limit was 100m. However, 149 Army stations in border areas across the country to continue 100m restrictive zone and construction permitted only with Army’s NOC.

Whether this had the approval of the Defence Minister or not is not known but the language used is typical bureaucratic, and in synch with the concept of giving a fate accompli to the Armed Forces of what construction has already come up illegally under a string of governments of various political parties. Take Sunjwan, does MoD expect Army to get into filing cases every time an illegal construction comes up in the so-called buffer zone. And look at the farce of 10m buffer zone, especially in case of an ammunition depot, with terrorist attacks possible in any part of the country. If this is not ‘selling’ security – has money passed hands or is this just vote-bank politics?

It would not be surprising if the above order was hurriedly passed by MoD because in March 2016, the Punjab Haryana High Court directed DCs of Gurgaon and Faridabad to issue notices against those who have made constructions within 300m around IAF Ammunition Depot, Gurgaon and 100m around IAF Station, Faridabad, asking the encroachers to remove constructions to avoid any action from the administration.

The Court also asked the central government to issue notification to designate both the DCs of Gurgaon and Faridabad as Collectors under the Works of Defence Act 1903 empowering them to take action accordingly. The directions to issue notice came after the centre had agreed to reduce restricted zone around ammunition depot Gurgaon from 900 to 300m. In April 2017, the Punjab Haryana High Court asked for a status report for its orders issued in March 2016, but all went quiet thereafter because MoD must have told them the buffer zone is reduced further. Meanwhile illegal construction is going on around both these stations.

Apparently, the high building blocking observation of the sentry tower at Sunjwan too perturbs nobody except the Army. Many may be unaware there was time in Jordan when radicals and terrorists had a free run even in the capital Amman during the reign of King Hussein. Then, during one of his visits to an Army camp, the King saw a brassiere flying from a tank antenna. To his angry query, the male tank commander replied, “This means we are women, you don’t let us fight”. This led the King to unleash his Army to rout the terrorists and radicals on September 10, 1970. This is scripted in the book ‘Mossad – the greatest missions of the Israeli Secret Service’ authored by Michael Bar-Zohar and Nissim Mishal.

Hope MoD is not waiting for similar flags being put up by Armed Forces on military establishments. As for Rohingyas, government may keep fighting its affidavit with Supreme Court, but they must be relocated out of J&K on priority.